Colombian President Gustavo Petro has announced that the nation’s air force, the Fuerza Aeroespacial Colombiana, will acquire Saab Gripen E/F fighter jets from Sweden as part of a significant military modernization effort. This decision replaces Colombia's ageing fleet of Israeli-made IAI Kfir aircraft, which have been in service since the late 1980s and are increasingly expensive to maintain.

The announcement marks a strategic shift in Colombia's defence policy, moving away from older technology and signalling broader ambitions to enhance national security amid regional tensions and domestic challenges.

The Saab Gripen E/F is a modern, multi role fighter known for its versatility, cost-efficiency, and adaptability. Key features include:

A top speed of Mach 2 (approximately 1,500 mph) and a combat radius exceeding 800 miles without refuelling.

Equipped with an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar for superior detection and tracking, as well as electronic warfare systems capable of jamming enemy sensors. It can carry advanced air-to-air missiles like the Meteor and precision-guided bombs for air-to-ground missions.

Estimated at $4,000 per flight hour, significantly lower than competitors like the F-35 ($44,000 per hour). The aircraft can operate from short, rugged airstrips, making it ideal for Colombia’s diverse terrain of jungles, mountains, and remote border regions.

The choice of the Gripen over alternatives like the American F-16 or French Rafale reflects both practical and geopolitical considerations:

Venezuela, Colombia’s neighbour and occasional rival, operates Russian-built Su-30MKV jets. The Gripen provides a modern counterbalance to these heavier fighters.

With a price tag around $85 million per unit compared to the Rafale’s $120 million, the Gripen aligns with Colombia’s modest defence budget of approximately $10 billion annually.

Its ability to be refuelled and rearmed in under 20 minutes by a small crew enhances readiness for rapid deployment—critical for patrolling areas prone to narco-trafficking and insurgent activity.

The decision to opt for Swedish jets over American F-16s or French Rafales suggests a nuanced approach to foreign policy under Petro’s administration:

Reduced Dependence on the U.S.: While the F-16 offers interoperability with NATO forces and a robust supply chain, selecting the Gripen may reflect Petro’s intent to diversify international partnerships.

Sweden as a Neutral Supplier: Unlike the U.S. or France, Sweden carries no colonial or ideological baggage in Latin America. Additionally, Saab’s collaboration with Brazil on Gripen production could foster regional cooperation in maintenance and training.

The Gripen’s engine is an American-made General Electric F414, subject to U.S. International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). Washington could potentially veto the sale.

Funding remains a concern. While Sweden might offer favourable credit terms similar to its deal with Brazil, Colombia will need to navigate its limited defence budget carefully.

The acquisition positions Colombia as a key player in South America’s evolving defence landscape. It may inspire neighboring countries like Peru or Ecuador to consider similar upgrades to their aging fleets. For Saab, this deal offers a foothold in Latin America after losing bids in other markets like Finland and Canada.

Ultimately, Colombia’s selection of the Gripen E/F represents more than just an upgrade in hardware—it is a strategic move toward greater military autonomy and modernization while balancing economic realities and geopolitical dynamics.

Colombia’s selection of the Gripen over the widely exported F-16, produced by Lockheed Martin, or the Dassault Rafale from France, raises questions about the strategic calculus behind the decision. The F-16, for instance, has a storied history, with over 4,500 units built since the 1970s and a presence in more than 25 countries.

It offers proven interoperability with NATO forces and a robust supply chain, advantages that might have appealed to a nation long aligned with the United States through initiatives like Plan Colombia, a multibillion-dollar effort to combat drug cartels and leftist guerrillas.

The Rafale, meanwhile, brings stealth-evading capabilities and a reputation for independence from U.S. components, potentially appealing to a leader like Petro, who has at times criticized American influence in Latin America. Yet, Bogotá opted for the Swedish contender, suggesting a blend of practical and political motivations.

One lens through which to view this choice is the regional balance of power. South America is not a hotbed of conventional warfare, but tensions simmer beneath the surface, particularly between Colombia and Venezuela.

Caracas has leaned heavily on Moscow for military support, fielding a squadron of Su-30MKV fighters—twin-engine heavyweights with a combat radius of nearly 1,900 miles and the ability to carry advanced anti-ship and air-to-ground weapons.

These aircraft give Venezuela a formidable edge in the air, a reality that Bogotá cannot ignore given the two nations’ fraught history, including border disputes and ideological clashes. The Gripen E/F, while lighter and less heavily armed than the Su-30, offers Colombia a modern counterweight, capable of engaging threats at long range and maintaining air superiority over its territory.

Posts on X from users like DalgonaMac have hailed the decision as a smart fit for Colombia’s needs, arguing that the Gripen’s agility and cost-effectiveness make it ideal for deterring Venezuelan aggression without breaking the bank.

Beyond the immediate neighborhood, this acquisition could signal a subtle realignment in Colombia’s foreign policy. Petro, a leftist who took office in 2022, has charted a course distinct from his predecessors, emphasizing sovereignty and diversification of international partnerships.

Choosing a Swedish jet over an American one might reflect a desire to reduce dependence on Washington, a longtime ally whose reliability as a trade partner has come under scrutiny in some Latin American circles. As SergioGuzmanE noted on X, the F-16 offer likely included more aircraft and faster delivery timelines, yet Petro’s administration appears to have prioritized a deal that sidesteps deeper entanglement with U.S. interests.

Sweden, a neutral player with no colonial baggage in the region, presents a less politically charged option, while Brazil’s existing Gripen program—36 jets ordered in 2014, with plans for expansion—offers a potential regional partner for maintenance and training.

The technological implications of this shift are equally compelling. The Gripen E/F isn’t just a standalone aircraft; it’s a node in a networked battlefield. Its data-link systems allow it to share real-time information with other units, creating a force multiplier effect that could transform how the Colombian Air Force operates.

In a country where counterinsurgency and border surveillance are paramount, this capability could prove invaluable. Imagine a scenario where Gripen jets, patrolling the dense Amazonian frontier, relay coordinates of a narco airstrip to ground forces or drones, enabling precise strikes without delay.

Saab has also hinted at industrial cooperation, with Brazil’s Embraer already producing components for its Gripen fleet at a facility in São Paulo state. Colombia could tap into this ecosystem, potentially establishing itself as a secondary hub for Gripen support in Latin America, a prospect that would boost local jobs and technical expertise.

Yet, the deal is not without its uncertainties, and one looming question is the role of the United States. The Gripen’s F414 engine, manufactured by General Electric, falls under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, or ITAR, which govern the export of U.S. military technology.

Washington has the power to veto the sale of these engines to Colombia, a move that could derail the entire agreement. Historical precedent exists: in 2019, the U.S. suspended Turkey from the F-35 program after Ankara purchased Russian S-400 air defence systems, citing security risks.

More recently, reports from outlets like Caliber.az suggest that the U.S. blocked a Gripen sale to Colombia in March, though Saab denied the claim at the time. If true, such interference could stem from a desire to protect Lockheed Martin’s market share or to keep Colombia firmly within the American orbit, especially given Petro’s occasional anti-U.S. rhetoric.

The Trump administration might see the F-16 as a better fit for interoperability with U.S. forces, a priority in a region where joint counter-narcotics operations remain active.

Agencies