by Nilesh Kunwar

With Pakistan army chief Gen Syed Asim Munir raising the “foreign hand” linked “digital terrorism” bogey an declaring that “To weaken Pakistan's armed forces is tantamount to weakening the country itself," freedom of speech in the country has been further curtailed. That he chose to announce this curb on freedom of expression on Pakistan’s 78th Independence Day is, to say the least, morbidly ironical. However, Gen Munir’s diktat didn’t come as any surprise because the Pakistan army’s wing Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) had already prepared the public for the same.

During a press conference held in the first week of August, Director General (DG) ISPR Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry had stated that “you can see that lies, propaganda-particularly on social media-fake news and doctored images (related to Pakistan’s armed forces) continue to spread while confusion is created in the public’s mind.” Lamenting that “the law is not taking its course against (digital terrorism’ the way it should,” DGISPR said that the Pakistan army meant business and as such was taking this issue very seriously.

In what was obviously an attempt to embarrass the government for not bringing perceived offenders to book as well as intimidate the public, Lt Gen Chaudhry made two points. One, he said that “It is the country’s law that has to control and curb digital terrorism… But the law is not taking its course against (digital terrorism) the way it should.” . Such brusque admonition of a democratically elected government by the army’s media chief may shock the unversed but comes as no surprise for Pakistan watchers.

Two, he made it amply clear to his countrymen that “whoever, whether in Pakistan or abroad and irrespective of their position is found spreading propaganda against the Pakistan Army, creating a distance between the army and the people, or is found to be involved in spreading fake news, the army will take necessary legal action against it,” adding that “there’s a whole process for it.” .

However, in his exuberance the DGISPR unwittingly revealed that in the garb of acting against “digital terrorism,” Rawalpindi was cunningly trying to silence public criticism of its cavalier ways and extra-constitutional control over and interference in the functioning of various constitutional and governmental organisations/bodies. With the Pakistan army chief reiterating this warning by equating criticism of the army with treason, this menacing message to both Islamabad and the public was loud and clear.

It’s also an unambiguous indication that despite having covertly manipulated insertion of Section 500A in the Pakistan Penal Code that criminalises intentional ridicule or defamation of the armed forces and its members, Rawalpindi has not been able to stop people from denouncing its highhandedness. However, upholding former army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa’s assurance that “the army (has) decided after a lot of deliberation that it will not interfere in any political issue,” Rawalpindi brazenly continues to do so.

Pakistan army’s undeclared war on Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) is an example. Founded by Manzoor Pashteen in 2014, this is a grass root level social initiative against violation of the rights of Pashtun people due to abuse by Pakistani security forces, as well as extra-judicial killings, enforced disappearances and threat posed by landmines. Despite holding peaceful protests, PTM has been the target of the Pakistani security forces. The intensity of Pakistan army’s hostility can be gauged from 2019 Kharqamar massacre in which the Pakistan army opened indiscriminate fire on peaceful PTM protesters killing at least 13 and injured more than 25 workers.

While the army tried to cover-up this incident by alleging that soldiers fired on the protesters as the army post there was “attacked” by PTM, it was however unable to provide any credible evidence in support of its claim. Moreover, by refusing permission to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) investigation team to visit the site of the incident and ascertain facts on ground, the Pakistan army only raised more suspicions on its account and conduct.

Pakistan army’s intense hatred towards PTM is no secret. In May 2019, while trying to portray PTM as a foreign-aided terrorist organisation, the then DGISPR Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor had during a media interaction queried, “How much money did you get from the NDS (National Directorate of Security of Afghanistan) to run your campaign? How much money did RAW (Research and Analysis Wing of India) give you for the first dharna (protest) in Islamabad?” He then stunned the audience by announcing that “Their (PTM’s) time is up”! .

Less than a month after DGISPR’s “time is up” threat, the Kharqamar massacre occurred, which if just a coincidence, is most definitely a most curious one. Equally intriguing is the completely unsubstantiated recent claim of PTM being “engaged in certain activities which are prejudicial to the peace and security of the country” which has conveniently been used as an excuse to ban this social movement under Section 18 of Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) 1997.

Next is the Pakistan army’s undisguised animosity towards the people of Balochistan. During the media interaction in which he issued the “time is up” threat, he also spewed venom against the Baloch people. When queried by Hamid Mir of Geo TV on enforced disappearances in Balochistan being orchestrated by the Pakistan army, DGISPR replied, “You have a deep attachment with missing persons (but) so have we. We don’t wish that anyone should be missing. But when its war, you have to do a lot of unpleasant things- as they say, all is fair in love and war; war is very ruthless.”

Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) is an indigenous human rights organisation in Balochistan created to peacefully address the burgeoning malady of rampant enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses against the Baloch people by the Pakistan army, intelligence and law enforcement agencies. It is led by Dr Mahrang Baloch a 31 year old lady whose father, a human rights activist, was forcibly disappeared by Pakistani security forces in broad daylight in 2011, tortured and then extra-judicially executed.

In recognition of the extraordinary courage in opposing state oppression displayed by Dr Baloch and her relentless advocacy against enforced disappearances and human rights violations in Balochistan, Time magazine named her as one of the 100 emerging influential leaders of the year. This obviously rattled Rawalpindi and in a clumsy move patently orchestrated by Rawalpindi, she was barred from travelling to New York for the felicitation ceremony by the immigration authorities at Karachi airport supposedly on directions of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA).

When it became apparent that she would be seeking legal recourse against this unjustified travel restriction, a First Information Report (FIR) or police complaint against Dr Baloch was filed by a local resident. Interestingly, besides the accusation of Dr Baloch having links with the proscribed Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), the FIR includes allegations like blocking highways, inciting educated Baloch youth to indulge in violence and targeting non Baloch people. These charges are punishable under ATA 1997 and Pakistan Penal Code (PPC).

It doesn’t require rocket science to discern that the FIR against Dr Baloch has been painstakingly worded to ensure that the book is thrown at Dr Baloch. That Rawalpindi unquestionably has a hand in the filing of this FIR through a proxy is evident from the fact that one of the charges against the BYC chief is levelling “false accusations” against security agencies.

As mentioned earlier, a two-star General of Pakistan army (who exposed Rawalpindi’s reprehensible ‘all is fair in love and war’ strategy in Balochistan) has himself publicly admitted that enforced disappearances in Balochistan do occur. Hence, isn’t it odd that a Baloch activist saying the same and supporting her claims with indisputable facts should be accused for levelling “false accusations” against the Pakistan army and other security agencies?

But in Pakistan one can’t expect to take on the army and get away with it and what happened to former prime ministers Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, his daughter Benazir Bhutto Zardari, Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan are grim reminders of how viscously Rawalpindi can strike back.

Hence both the PTM and BYC chiefs really need to watch-out and be careful!

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own