by Air Marshal Anil Chopra (Retd)

The recently signed military logistics and communication enabling agreements have supported interoperability between the two democracies partnering in the Indo-Pacific region read more

Before Defence Minister Rajnath Singh began interactions with his American counterpart, Lloyd Austin, in Washington on Friday, the senior defence officers of the two countries concluded the Security of Supplies Arrangement (SOSA) agreement. SOSA is a key enabling pact, which would allow closer defence industry cooperation between the US and India. The next step will be the signing of the Reciprocal Defence Procurement Agreement (RDP), which will be legally binding. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) has also been signed regarding the assignment of liaison officers to each other’s select defence formations to seek to bolster defence ties between the two countries.

The end of the Cold War and growing US interest in taking on China in the Indo-Pacific brought the US closer to India. Since the turn of the century, there has been increased activity in security fields with many military, industrial, logistics, and communication-related agreements. As India and the US further their geostrategic interests, there is a congruence of views and visions. The militaries are exercising more regularly and needed logistics agreements. India needs some high-end technology to further ‘Atmanirbharta’ in defence production. The US needed assurance about security of communications and end-use of equipment and technologies. The military-industrial complexes of both countries wanted to engage more and without sensitivities and hindrances. And therefore the continued need for agreements.

Logistics And Communication Agreements

In 2002, the two countries signed the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) to facilitate sharing military intelligence between India and the US. The Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) was signed in 2016, which allowed the two countries to use each other’s military bases to carry out repairs and for resupplying during exercises and transit of ships and aircraft.

Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), signed in 2018, allowed to share and secure communications exchange between the two during training exercises and operations. The agreement allowed India to procure and transfer specialised equipment for encrypted communications for US-origin military platforms like the C-17, C-130, and P-8Is, thus improving operational efficiency.

And in 2020, the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) was signed. The BECA focuses on providing American geospatial intelligence to India. Geospatial intelligence is the intelligence on human activity that is gathered by closely examining satellite images and other allied information. This agreement was signed in the backdrop of deteriorating US-China relations and the India-China border clash in the Galwan Valley. Using these accurate maps and satellite images, India can enhance its topographical and aeronautical data, which will aid in guarding its borders more effectively.

Security of Supplies Arrangement (SOSA)

In recent years, the US has emerged as the biggest defence importer of India-made subsystems, which has contributed significantly to the big jump in India’s defence exports. SOSA is not a legally binding agreement, but it would give US companies more freedom and allow them to widen their base in India by manufacturing and sourcing from within the country.

America and India have now agreed to provide reciprocal priority support for goods and services that promote national defence. The US has signed SOSA with 18 other nations, including a few non-allies and non-NATO countries. These, alphabetically, are Australia, Canada, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Norway, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom.

SOSA will allow the US to request priority delivery for its contracts, subcontracts, or orders from companies in India. Similarly, it also permits signatory nations to request priority delivery for their contracts and orders from American firms. The arrangement will enable both countries to acquire the industrial resources they need from one another to resolve unanticipated supply chain disruptions to meet national security needs.

The US will provide India assurances under the US Defence Priorities and Allocations System (DPAS), which will be supported by the Department of Defence (DoD) and rating authorisation by the Department of Commerce (DOC).

In turn, India will establish a government-industry understanding, wherein Indian firms will voluntarily make reasonable efforts to provide US priority support. There will be no legal bindings, but both sides will work to build goodwill. The SOSA provides reciprocal priority support for goods and services that promote national defence. The SOSA encourages the defence industrial ecosystems of both countries to work together and enhances the supply chain resilience. SOSA will also support commonality and strengthen interoperability.

The arrangement will be institutionalised, furthered, and supervised by specially designated and created working groups. These groups will also proactively iron out hindrances to supply chains in peacetime, emergencies, and armed conflict.

The SOSA represents an important moment in the US-India major defence partner relationship and will be a key factor in strengthening the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) between the two countries.

Reciprocal Defence Procurement (RDP) Agreement

The next logical step after the SOSA is to make it binding on companies to prioritise the selection of the other, eventually opening up joint production and sourcing on a larger scale. It will also pave the way for standardisation, interchangeability, and, in turn, interoperability of conventional defence equipment. The US has signed RDP agreements with 28 countries.

Such an agreement would provide a framework for interaction regarding market access and procurement matters. The agreement will also allow American companies to bypass the “Buy American Statute” and more easily allow them to set up manufacturing bases in India.

Liaison Officers MOU

Based on an earlier joint decision, India had deployed three colonel-level officers, one each at the Hawaii-headquartered Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM), the Special Operations Command (SOCOM/USSOCOM) in Florida, and the US-led multinational maritime force, called the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), in Bahrain early this year.

The above arrangements are over and above the increased number of defence attaches, keeping in view India’s overall global stature and defence and security profile. One of the tasks being given to defence wings in Indian embassies abroad is promoting defence exports.

Other Ministerial Discussions

Rajnath Singh, during his meeting with Austin, also highlighted the various co-development and co-production opportunities in India in areas identified in the India-US Defence Industrial Cooperation Roadmap, adopted last year. Both leaders held wide-ranging discussions on bilateral defence cooperation, industrial collaboration, regional security, and other international issues.

They also appreciated the progress made in operationalising the Indo-Pacific Maritime Domain Awareness, a Quad initiative, and praised the ongoing efforts by India to enhance the Maritime Domain Awareness for the partners in the Indian Ocean Region.

Singh and Austin welcomed the signing of the Memorandum of Agreement between India and the US regarding the deployment of liaison officers.

US-India Strategic Congruence And Quad Connection

The US’s interests to contain competitor and possible rival China brought India into the US’ Indo-Pacific strategy. India, a long-term friend of now-weakened Russia, needed US cooperation on global security matters: support for inclusion of India in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC); greater role in the World Bank and IMF; and admission into multilateral export control regimes like Nuclear Suppliers Group, MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement, and Australia Group. Post-2000, the US became more open to selling high end military equipment to India.

India is an important member of Quad now. All four partners have regular summit level and 2+2 minister level meetings. There are military logistics agreements between all, and they all take part in regular military exercises. The US has been supplying military equipment.

The US Military Aircraft In India

Among the increasing cooperation in defence, aviation has seen the fastest results. IAF first ordered the Lockheed C-130J-30 Super Hercules aircraft in early 2008 for special operations under the US government’s Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program. The Indian Navy received the Boeing P-8I Poseidon for maritime surveillance, Electronic Intelligence (ELINT), anti-submarine warfare (ASW) roles. In 2009, the IAF inducted three specially equipped Boeing 737 Business Jets (BBJ) for VVIP duties. Boeing C-17 Globemaster-III strategic airlift military transport aircraft were inducted next. Two custom-made B-777 have also been procured to replace the older Air India B-747 jumbo jets for VVIP duties. Boeing Apache Longbow AH-64E attack helicopters and Boeing CH-47 D/F Chinook heavy-lift helicopters formed the rotary-wing purchases. In June 2017, the US State Department approved the sale of General Atomics MQ-9 Guardian/Predator-B long-range unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) drones to India. Two had been on lease with the Indian Navy since 2020. The case for procuring 31 of these is under final negotiations. 10 each for the three armed forces is under processing.

Boeing Make-In-India

Other than the civil airliners, Boeing also has a huge presence in military aircraft with the Indian Air Force’s (IAF) C-17, BBJ, VVIP B-777, and Chinook and Apache helicopters, and the Indian Navy’s P-8I.

A public-private partnership brings together Boeing, Hindustan Aeronautics (HAL), and Mahindra’s global scale, manufacturing, and supply chain expertise. HAL has been the single-source producer of 757 overwing exit doors. HAL has also manufactured the 777 up-lock boxes, F/A-18 gun bay doors, F/A-18 wire harnesses, P-8I weapons bay doors, and P-8I identification friend-or-foe transponders. BEL is also on contract to provide F/A-18 flight deck cockpit panels. HAL makes gun-bay doors for the F/A-18.

Boeing has invested in engineering centres in Bengaluru and Chennai with a talented pool of over 3,000 engineers. Boeing’s joint venture with Tata Advanced Systems Limited (TASL) is for aerospace and defence manufacturing in India. TASL is already manufacturing aerostructures for CH-47 Chinook and Apache helicopters, including for global customers.

Boeing is also working with many others, like Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), Dynamatic Technologies (DTL), TATA Advanced Materials Limited (TAML), TAL Manufacturing Solutions Ltd, Avantel Ltd, Cyient (formerly Infotech), among others.

Lockheed Martin Big In India

Lockheed Martin, the world’s biggest arms manufacturer, is looking for a “game-changing” partnership in India. They have a joint venture company with TASL where airframe components for the C-130J airlifter and the S-92 helicopter are manufactured in India in large numbers. All C-130Js delivered to customers around the world have major aerostructure components from India. TASL has been chosen to produce the F-16s in India. Meanwhile, Lockheed Martin is promoting many defence and aerospace start-ups. Lockheed Martin also provides research grants for teams from Indian universities to work with local industry partners to develop design specifications.

General Electric (GE)

GE Aviation is the world’s leading producer of large and small engines for commercial, military, business, and general aircraft. GE supplies F404IN20 engines for the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) TEJAS MK-1. The F414-INS6 engines are selected to power the TEJAS  MK-2 version. These will be made in India through a technology transfer clause. GE has joined with TATA Group to make LEAP engines in India.

India Innovation Growth Program

As a part of its larger commitment, Lockheed Martin has sponsored and supported the India Innovation Growth Program (IIGP) since 2007 in partnership with the Indian Department of Science and Technology, Indo-U.S. Science and Technology Forum, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, Stanford Graduate School of Business, and the IC2 Institute at the University of Texas. IIGP has supported more than 400 innovators and start-ups with in-depth technology commercialisation training and handholding support to commercialise and scale their ventures. To date, the revenue generated for the Indian entrepreneurs through this program is over $1 billion.

Defence Technology And Trade Initiative (DTTI)

The India US Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) was signed in 2012. DTTI’s main aim is to strengthen India’s defence industrial base, explore new areas of technological development, and expand Indo-US business ties. The DTTI has now matured enough where its varied activities could be translated into accomplishments. Among the ambitious projects identified are a plan to share jet engine technology, an initiative that has floundered given a strict export control regime in the US and the lack of a strong business case. Focus on start-ups is likely to enable US-based research labs to work in coordination with Indian companies for cutting-edge defence technologies. In addition, the two sides are also discussing the possibility of jointly developing systems for approved third nations to pursue export opportunities. Cooperation in the field of space technology is also of interest.

Strategic Trade Authorisation

The US has designated India as a Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) country that will allow it to buy highly advanced and cutting-edge sensitive technologies from America. This coveted status brings India on par with the US’ closest allies and partners, such as NATO, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. With this, there is an ease in restrictions for high-technology product sales to India, and India will receive license-free access to a wide range of dual-use technologies in conjunction with steps that India has committed to take to advance its export control objectives. It will benefit US manufacturers while continuing to protect its national security. Bilateral defence trade, which was essentially zero in 2008, had reached $22 billion by the end of 2022.

US-India Business Council (USIBC)

The US-India Business Council (USIBC) was formed in 1975 as a business advocacy organisation to enlighten and encourage the private sectors of both India and the US to enhance investment flows. The organisation serves as a direct link between business and government leaders, resulting in increased trade and investment to strengthen ties between the two nations. Aerospace and defence are major areas today.

Defence Policy Group (DPG)

The India-US Defence Policy Group (DPG) in Washington is the top official-level meeting mechanism between India and the US on defence issues, which comprehensively reviews and guides all aspects of bilateral cooperation between the two countries. The meetings take stock of the progress made in various fields of defence cooperation, including defence trade, technology, procurement, industry, R&D, and mil-to-mil engagement. There are various working groups.

Way Ahead

India is already a leader of the Global South. It is fast becoming the most sought-after country. India maintains excellent relations with Russia, Europe, and the US. PM Narendra Modi has recently had very successful visits to Russia, Poland, and Ukraine. India’s relations with the US are also special because the two are the largest and oldest democracies. With increasing security action in the Indo-Pacific, defence cooperation has been on the increase.

The recently signed military logistics and communication enabling agreements have supported interoperability. The SOSA and RDP will ease military-industrial cooperation. India and the US are both taking slow but firm-footed steps as they come closer as global security partners. Yet India gets to retain its “strategic autonomy”.

The writer is former Director General, Centre for Air Power Studies