A mission-mode approach to indigenisation that is more modest and focused can yield greater results

by Gargi Shanbhag

India’s defence industry has been frequenting the headlines for its massive boost in developing, procuring as well as exporting its indigenous arms and ammunition. From being a top importer of arms until the Covid-19 pandemic, to FY 2022-2023 where it has exported defence products worth ₹16,000 crore to 89+ nations, India’s Military-Industrial Complex (MIC) has come a long way, but has an equally long way to go.

The DRDO website showcases India’s indigenous weapons systems like BrahMos, TEJAS, Prachand, Arjun, and C4ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance) instruments like Revathi, Lakshya, etc. Is it impacting regional, if not global, security dynamics? Is India playing the ‘defence diplomacy’ card right?

Well, an increase in domestic defence products has its own economic, security, and political advantages by exporting them that meet international standards. Big and small, established and upcoming companies are all gearing up to seize the profitable defence and aerospace opportunity for which they have been waiting, as in the cases of Godrej, Mahindra, Tata, and L&T. India reportedly plans to upgrade its armed forces spending ₹1.5 lakh crore annually on average until 2030.

Defence Indigenisation As A National Security Prerogative

Even if we keep the looming economic aspect of growing exports aside, for a country like India, being Aatmanirbhar (self-reliant) is a necessity now more than ever. It has several geopolitical underpinnings. For a country the size of India, relying on external military supplies is a dangerous bet. While countries like the US and China, allocate more than 3% of their GDP for defence spending, India has never touched the 3% mark in its budgets.

Given India’s neighbourhood scenario with Pakistan, China, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, it is pertinent to invest more in acquiring arms and ammunition and securitize its’ borders. So, is India taking advantage of peacetime? In this quest to be a major power in South Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific, India cleverly wades through murky waters of power projection.

According to classical understanding in international relations theory, great-power foreign policy is the legitimate answer to material power availability. The idea that increased capabilities lead to more aspirational goals provides a straightforward and plausible explanation for major powers’ behaviour: they act in this way because they can. This notion is at the heart of realist theories of international relations.

International threat, as per empirical study, is a credible rationale for specific foreign policy objectives. The most well-known example of such a dynamic is the arms races. So much so that, one often thinks of military modernization whenever the term ‘power projection’ is mentioned. While this is largely true, India of late has begun to experience the potential of indigenous technological power projection. In simpler terms, India must enhance internal balancing i.e. focus on indigenized military modernisation. There’s a chance that this step will lead to India fixing some of its long-standing defence policy flaws. If it does, those shifts will have a lot more influence on India’s conflict with China and its relationship with the US than any superficial gestures of cooperation. But what’s wrong with defence imports?

Delhi’s South block became aware of the fact that investing too massively in imports indicated higher long-term threats. To begin with, India ended up bolstering the power of other nations’ Military Industrial Complexes (MICs) rather than its own through military imports. The notion that the Indian state could become vulnerable to external weapons embargoes that could cut off supply is a second reason that has taken a toll on Indian decision-makers, which was fully endorsed by Rajnath Singh but not commonly addressed explicitly.

Political Stratagems From Itihasa And Shastras

Our Itihasas have ample examples for contemporary issues and impart valuable and relevant stratagems. Indian political thinkers have written many treatises on effective governance, foreign policy priorities, and certain non-negotiables mentioned below.

In the Mahabharata’s Vana Parva Chapter 193 verse 29, that goes like this:

“api śākaṃ pacānasya sukhaṃ vai maghavana gṛhe
arjitaṃ svena vīryeṇa na vyapāśritya kañcana”

It means, “O Maghvan (Lord Indra), even he is happy who cooks only less leaves (for his food) earned by his efforts without having to depend on others.” Well, under the context of national security, the focus should be on quality as well as quantity while ensuring self-reliance.

Two characteristics of a Rajya, that Bharatiya political theorists never downplayed in fact, emphasised were: Kosha and Durga. In multiple texts, Bharatiya political theorists have propounded how mutually inclusive Kosha and Durga (treasury and fortresses, in this case) are. Kautilya was well aware that a secure and flourishing state and strong finances, adequate reserve funds, and a large treasury, go together.

Impact on Global Geopolitics

The Indian government is becoming conscious of the fact that its power in regional and global affairs increases with the strength of its armed forces. Indian strategic thinking has remained largely regional. For many years, one of the most crucial geopolitical concerns for the Indian armed forces has been their ability to project power and exert influence into the Indian Ocean. Still, until recently, they have lacked the necessary capabilities. If at all we presume that India’s GDP will go on to be $5.944 billion (₹600 crore), and Delhi does dedicate 3% of its GDP to its defence sector, then we can hope to see $179 billion for our Armed Forces which will be a massive propellent.

In a more reflective sense, during peacetime, it is more feasible to balance, whether internal or external. Following with, deterring and influencing other players in the region. The development of an indigenous modern military may result in India playing a bigger part in preserving international peace and security. Terrorism and piracy are security concerns that impact numerous states and can only be resolved through multilateral collaboration. India would be able to police both sides of the Indian Ocean better and maintain open maritime routes for international trade given the fact that the Indian Navy has a qualitative and quantitative edge in the region.

It will be interesting to witness the plausible reality of burgeoning defence industries proving to be vital in advocating India’s stature in great power competition. Defence industrial firms are undergoing a renaissance when they are exposed to the wide gamut of public-private partnerships. Analysis reveals that this change could have an impact on armed wars, crises, and world politics. The arms race, on the other hand, also creates fresh potential and promotes new forms of conflict, affecting the nature of war and the dichotomy of politics between countries with greater and lesser military power.

Conclusion

Monetary concerns drive indigenisation. No nation will choose indigenisation if it means risking losing a strategic advantage to another nation due to the additional cost of indigenisation, or if the delivery schedule is rigid, leaving no room for time-consuming indigenisation efforts, or if the MoD’s ability to apply follow-on order information for indigenised products is questionable due to long-standing budgetary restrictions.

A mission-mode approach to indigenisation that is more modest and focused can yield greater results. Otherwise, important choices will have to be made that compromise on acquisition speed, quality, or cost. In the worst-case scenario, India would find itself paying hefty prices for inferior equipment far later than necessary if considerations along this vein are not made.

India has nuclear weapons capability, which gives it the potential to project force beyond its regional sphere of influence, but we can’t rely on ICBMs alone. The growth of non-nuclear forces becomes paramount too. Domestic factors like MICs and other actors have now become core areas of national security discussions. India now confidently uses ‘Defence Diplomacy’ as a strategic instrument to convey new geopolitical imperatives.

The writer works as a Research Assistant at Chanakya University, Bangalore. She focuses on India’s Foreign Policy, Defence, and National Security