Monday, July 13, 2026

Indian Army Pursues Indigenous AI-Enabled 1,000 Km Long Range Loiter Munition Attack Drones


The Indian Army has begun the process of acquiring indigenous long-range one-way attack drones with a strike capability of up to 1,000 kilometres. These systems are intended to enhance deep-strike capabilities by integrating artificial intelligence into targeting functions.

The procurement is being pursued under the Long Range Loiter Munition program, which falls within the Make-II route of the defence acquisition policy. This framework requires private industry to invest in research and development, with the Army committing to procurement only if the systems meet the specified technical requirements.

The drones being sought must be capable of engaging targets with precision at ranges of 1,000 kilometres. They are expected to operate effectively in GPS-denied environments, a critical requirement in modern electronic warfare scenarios.

The platforms should incorporate AI-enabled targeting systems, carry a 25-kilogram warhead with a kill radius of 50 metres, and be able to fly at altitudes above 5,000 metres while achieving speeds of at least 400 kilometres per hour. These specifications reflect the Army’s ambition to field highly advanced unmanned strike platforms that can penetrate deep into hostile territory.

Although the exact order size has not yet been determined, reports suggest that the armed forces will require thousands of one-way attack drones across different operational ranges.

The systems must be ruggedized to withstand varied terrains including plains, deserts, jungles, and mountainous regions. The Regiment of Artillery is spearheading the acquisition, while simultaneously pursuing shorter-range loitering munitions to complement the long-range systems. This layered approach indicates a comprehensive strategy to integrate drones across multiple levels of battlefield operations.

TATA Advanced Systems Limited and NIBE Defence were recently shortlisted for a separate procurement of 850 one-way attack drones with ranges exceeding 100 kilometres. This parallel effort demonstrates the Army’s intent to build a diverse portfolio of unmanned strike systems.

Under the LRLM program, however, the focus is on creating a complete operational ecosystem. Each system is expected to include a launch vehicle, a ground control station, a simulator, and fifteen aerial vehicles. This holistic approach ensures that the drones are not standalone assets but part of a fully integrated strike capability.

The drones must also support multiple attack profiles, including steep dives, slant approaches, and nap-of-the-earth strikes. These tactics, widely observed in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, are designed to evade detection and maximise lethality.

Compatibility with multiple warhead types, such as thermobaric and deep-penetration munitions, is another requirement, allowing the systems to be tailored for diverse mission sets. This flexibility will make them suitable for both strategic deep-strike missions and tactical battlefield interdiction.

The Army is also placing emphasis on indigenous content in critical components. Engines, electro-optic payloads, avionics, airframes, and warheads are all being evaluated for local production. The long-term objective is to establish a self-reliant manufacturing ecosystem capable of scaling production rapidly to meet future operational demands. This aligns with India’s broader defence modernisation drive, which prioritises indigenous development under the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative.

By pursuing the LRLM program, the Indian Army is signalling its determination to adapt to next-generation warfare. AI-enabled long-range loitering munitions will provide a decisive edge in contested environments, where traditional missile systems may face limitations.

The integration of these drones into the Army’s operational doctrine will significantly enhance deterrence and strike capabilities along India’s borders, while also contributing to the creation of a robust indigenous defence industrial base.

Agencies


Seventh TEJAS MK-1A Engine Clears Quality Checks As Sixth Unit’s Snag Rectified Swiftly


The TEJAS MK-1A program has registered a positive development with the seventh GE F404-IN20 engine successfully clearing user acceptance quality checks. This marks a crucial step forward for Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), which has been under pressure to meet delivery schedules for the Indian Air Force.

The clearance of this engine provides renewed confidence in the production timeline and indicates that corrective measures taken after the previous setback have been effective.

The sixth engine, which had earlier developed a technical snag during routine quality checks, was rectified within a couple of weeks of the failure. HAL, in coordination with GE Aerospace, ensured that the flagged issues were resolved swiftly.

This rapid turnaround demonstrated both the responsiveness of the PSU and the commitment of the American manufacturer to support the program. The rectification process involved detailed inspections, technical interventions, and validation tests to confirm that the engine met all contractual and operational requirements.

With the seventh engine now cleared, HAL is better positioned to continue parallel work on airframes and systems integration. The company has been striving to align deliveries with the Indian Air Force’s expectations, especially under the 2021 agreement that mandates the supply of 99 engines valued at approximately ₹5,375 crore.

The Defence Ministry, which had earlier signalled possible penalties due to delays, will likely view this progress as a stabilising factor in the program’s trajectory.

The clearance of the seventh engine also reduces uncertainty around the delivery of the first batch of TEJAS MK-1A aircraft, which HAL aims to hand over by the end of 2026. The PSU’s ability to rectify the sixth engine within weeks and achieve acceptance for the seventh reflects improved coordination with stakeholders and a stronger quality assurance framework.

This development is significant in the broader context of India’s push for self-reliance in aerospace manufacturing, where timely execution of indigenous programmes is critical.

The TEJAS MK-1A, equipped with advanced avionics, electronic warfare systems, and improved maintainability features, is central to the Indian Air Force’s modernisation plans.

Ensuring reliable engine supply is therefore vital to the aircraft’s induction schedule. HAL’s recent progress suggests that the programme is regaining momentum after earlier setbacks, and the company is working diligently to minimise further disruptions.

Agencies


India Delays BrahMos-NG To Develop Deadlier Indigenous Supersonic Missile Against China


India has delayed the BrahMos-NG program by about a year, shifting flight trials to 2027, as stricter operational requirements push for a more indigenous, deadlier supersonic cruise missile to counter China’s expanding naval presence.

The redesign centres on integrating Indian propulsion technology and enhancing range, stealth, and multi-platform compatibility.

India’s BrahMos-NG program was initially expected to begin flight trials in 2026. However, BrahMos Aerospace confirmed that the Indian customer introduced stricter operational requirements, forcing further refinements before testing.

This postponement reflects not a technical failure but a deliberate push to strengthen the missile’s capabilities against evolving threats from China’s rapidly modernising navy.

The BrahMos-NG is designed to be smaller and lighter than the current BrahMos, weighing around 1.2–1.3 tons compared to the existing three-tonne system.

Its reduced size will allow deployment from a wider range of platforms, including HAL TEJAS MkK-1A, MiG-29UPG, Su-30MKI fighters, submarines, and surface warships. The missile will retain supersonic speeds of Mach 2.8–3.5, carry a 200–300 kg warhead, and achieve ranges of 290–350 km.

The redesign is closely tied to India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat self-reliance strategy, with defence analysts suggesting that the revised requirements involve integrating an indigenous liquid-fuel ramjet engine developed by DRDO. This would reduce dependence on Russian propulsion technology and mark a significant leap in India’s missile autonomy.

Operational validation of the BrahMos system during Operation Sindoor has already demonstrated its battlefield effectiveness, strengthening confidence in the missile’s reliability. The NG variant aims to build on this by offering stealthier profiles, longer ranges, and enhanced survivability, potentially extending future strike capabilities to over 1,500 km.

The delay also comes amid reports of production disruptions at BrahMos Aerospace, with staff transfers destabilising manufacturing lines and reducing output by more than 50 percent. This has raised concerns about India’s naval deterrence posture against China, as the BrahMos remains the backbone of the Indian Navy’s sea-denial doctrine.

Despite these challenges, India’s export diplomacy continues to expand. The Philippines, Vietnam, and Indonesia have already purchased BrahMos systems, and other nations such as Malaysia, South Korea, and Egypt are evaluating the missile. Each export strengthens India’s defence industrial base and signals its emergence as a major global arms exporter.

The BrahMos-NG delay therefore represents a strategic recalibration rather than a setback. By prioritising indigenous propulsion, stealth, and extended range, India is positioning the missile as a cornerstone of its future precision-strike doctrine in the Indo-Pacific, ensuring credible deterrence against China’s growing maritime assertiveness.

Agencies


India Faces Strategic Challenge As Turkey-Pakistan Defence Axis Gains Edge With Possible US F-35 Sale


US President Donald Trump has announced a dramatic reversal in policy by lifting sanctions on Turkey and signalling openness to restoring Ankara’s access to the advanced American F-35 fighter jets. Turkey had been denied these aircraft since 2019 after acquiring the Russian S-400 air defence system.

The announcement was made alongside President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at a NATO summit in Ankara on 8 July 2026. Turkey is reportedly seeking an initial delivery of six jets, and the US may also provide engines for Turkey’s indigenous KAAN fighter program.

However, Trump is expected to face strong opposition in Congress, where concerns remain about Turkey’s continued possession of the S-400 system and its deepening ties with Russia and China.

The announcement has provoked sharp reactions from Israel and Greece. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned that supplying F-35s to Turkey would “destroy the balance of power in the Middle East” and has begun lobbying against the deal.

Greece has also expressed alarm, fearing that stealth fighters in Turkish hands could destabilise the Eastern Mediterranean. Athens has already ordered 20 F-35As, with deliveries expected from 2028, and has bolstered its air force with Rafale jets to counter Turkey’s growing military aviation capabilities. Both nations view the potential sale as a direct threat to their security interests.

The Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning-II is widely regarded as the most versatile fifth-generation fighter jet in service. Its advanced sensor fusion, stealth features, and multirole adaptability allow it to dominate battlefields while remaining virtually invisible to enemy radars.

Over 1,340 F-35s have been delivered globally, with ten countries operating them and eleven more awaiting deliveries. Production surged last year to 191 aircraft, clearing backlogs caused by earlier upgrade delays.

The jet comes in three variants: the F-35A for conventional take-off, the F-35B for short take-off and vertical landing, and the F-35C for carrier operations. While the F-22 Raptor remains superior in air combat manoeuvrability, the F-35 excels in networking and multirole missions. China’s J-20 and J-35, and Russia’s Su-57, represent rival fifth-generation platforms, though analysts generally agree they fall short of the F-35’s stealth and avionics standards.

Turkey was originally expelled from the Joint Strike Fighter program in 2019 due to fears that operating the Russian S-400 alongside the F-35 could expose sensitive stealth data to Moscow. Congress reinforced this position, making any transfer contingent on Turkey relinquishing the S-400. 

Ankara has not complied, instead escalating tensions with Israel and Greece, entrenching its military presence in northern Cyprus, and deepening ties with China in sectors such as telecommunications. 

Washington’s concerns over Chinese 5G infrastructure had previously derailed the UAE’s pursuit of the F-35, raising questions about whether the same standards should apply to Turkey. Any final decision is expected to hinge on whether Turkey agrees to transfer its S-400 systems to a third country.

For India, the implications are serious. Turkey and Pakistan have forged a close defence partnership centred on joint development and technology-sharing. Pakistani engineers are actively involved in Turkey’s KAAN stealth fighter program, while Pakistan has integrated Turkish drones such as the Bayraktar-TB2 and Anka UAVs into its arsenal.

Agreements between Turkish Aerospace Industries and Pakistan’s NESCOM focus on joint production of MALE drones, while Turkish munitions like the Kemankes cruise missile have been procured to enhance Pakistan’s air force.

During Operation Sindoor, Turkey provided Pakistan with over 350 drones and deployed military advisors to coordinate strikes against Indian targets. Ankara also openly condemned India’s actions during the operation, further cementing its alignment with Islamabad.

The Turkey-Pakistan nexus significantly alters the regional balance, giving Pakistan access to advanced aerospace and drone technologies. Analysts warn that combining Turkish drone expertise with Chinese sensor suites could accelerate Pakistan’s C4ISR capabilities. This trilateral China-Pakistan-Turkey axis poses a growing challenge to India’s regional influence.

In response, New Delhi has deepened defence ties with Armenia, Cyprus, Greece, and Israel. Armenia became the first foreign buyer of India’s Akash SAM system in 2022, while Greece and Israel conduct joint exercises with India focusing on air combat and naval interoperability. India has also expanded its naval presence in the Eastern Mediterranean and backed the India-Middle East Economic Corridor, which bypasses Turkey.

Israel views the potential F-35 sale as a direct threat to its qualitative military edge in the Middle East. Netanyahu has highlighted Turkey’s ties to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that Ankara is no longer a reliable US ally.

Opposition to the sale has become a declared policy at the highest levels of Israeli politics. For Greece, the sale risks triggering an arms race in the Eastern Mediterranean, where disputes over territorial waters and airspace remain unresolved. Both nations are pressing Washington to reconsider, but Trump’s unpredictability leaves the final outcome uncertain.

India faces a new strategic headache. A stronger Turkey armed with F-35s would embolden its partnership with Pakistan, potentially undermining India’s deterrence posture. The convergence of Chinese hard power, Turkish drone capabilities, and Pakistani operational readiness represents a formidable challenge.

India must not only strengthen its own military capabilities but also reinforce partnerships in West Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean. The evolving dynamics highlight the need for India to prepare for a more assertive Turkey and to navigate the uncertainties of Trump’s foreign policy decisions.

Agencies


Trade Tug-of-War: Emboldened India Pushes for Stronger Trade Deal


India has rejected a quick trade agreement with the United States in recent negotiations, choosing instead to hold out for more favourable terms, Reuters reported.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has drawn confidence from new trading partnerships, eased economic risks, and political gains at home, according to officials and analysts.

Despite months of discussions, the two nations failed to finalise an interim trade agreement during U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer’s visit to New Delhi last month. Expectations had been high that a limited deal was within reach, but consensus was not achieved.

The sticking points remain Washington’s refusal to provide assurances on India’s key demands. New Delhi insists on a tariff advantage over competitors such as China and guarantees against new U.S. levies after any deal. An Indian government official stressed that India would not rush into an agreement that compromised its red lines, particularly in agriculture.

Washington had hoped for swift concessions from India, especially as President Donald Trump prepares new tariffs likely to take effect later this month. India’s refusal risks higher levies on its exports and prolonged uncertainty for businesses. A day after talks with Greer, Trade Minister Piyush Goyal reiterated that the deal would not be implemented unless India secured an advantage, signalling a hardened stance.

Currently, most Indian goods face a 10% U.S. tariff. However, the Trump administration is expected to introduce steeper tariffs through probes into excess industrial capacity. India has denied U.S. allegations of surplus capacity. Washington has already proposed new tariffs of up to 12.5% on dozens of nations, including India, citing forced labour concerns.

U.S. officials have argued that India must earn preferential treatment by making concessions of its own. Negotiations remain confidential, with both sides declining to comment publicly. A U.S. official noted that Washington continues to engage with India and expects an agreement eventually, though no timeline was offered. The same official described India’s approach as slow and bureaucratic, suggesting no quick resolution.

White House spokesman Kush Desai stated that the Trump administration continues to engage productively with Indian officials to finalise a historic trade deal that prioritises American interests.

India’s strengthened position is underpinned by rising exports, new trade deals, and eased economic risks. Between April and June, overall goods exports rose about 15% year-on-year, buoyed by petroleum shipments despite disruptions from the war on Iran. Exports to Gulf countries recovered to pre-war levels, while exports to the United States edged up to $17.29 billion in April and May.

India is also broadening access to developed markets. A free trade pact with the United Kingdom is set to take effect this month, while an agreement with the European Union is expected early next year. Analysts such as Wendy Cutler of the Asia Society Policy Institute noted that India’s strong economy, diversification initiatives, and strategic standing have given its negotiators leverage.

The interim U.S.-Iran peace deal has eased oil prices, improving India’s economic outlook. Goldman Sachs has raised India’s 2026 growth forecast to 6.8% and lowered inflation and current-account deficit estimates, suggesting New Delhi has more room to hold out for better terms. A weaker rupee has also boosted exporters’ competitiveness.

India is calculating that some U.S. trade measures may face legal or political setbacks. Twenty-two Democratic state attorneys general have already filed objections to Trump’s proposed tariffs linked to forced labour. Analysts believe this legal uncertainty, combined with Modi’s recent state election victories, has emboldened India to resist a rushed deal.

Senior leaders of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party have publicly argued that trade agreements must protect farmers and small businesses, constituencies that New Delhi has long shielded in negotiations. Ajay Srivastava of the Global Trade Research Initiative observed that India recognises delaying or even abandoning a rushed deal may be more prudent than locking into obligations whose costs could outweigh temporary tariff relief.

India’s negotiating stance reflects a broader strategy of resilience, diversification, and political confidence, even as risks of higher tariffs and business uncertainty loom.

Agencies


India’s Defence Capex To Reach ₹2.8 Lakh Crores By FY2030 On Indigenisation And Export Growth


India’s defence capital expenditure is projected to rise sharply to ₹2.8 trillion by FY2030, growing at an 11 percent CAGR, driven by indigenisation, export growth, and modernisation programs.

Kotak Institutional Equities highlights drones, counter-drone systems, and rising domestic procurement as key drivers, while exports are expected to hit ₹500 billion by FY2029.

India’s defence capital expenditure is set to expand significantly, reaching ₹2.8 trillion by FY2030. This growth trajectory is supported by policy measures such as positive indigenisation lists and the Defence Acquisition Procedure 2020, which mandate over 50 percent indigenous content in acquisitions. These reforms are designed to reduce dependence on imports and strengthen sovereign capabilities.

Indian defence exports have grown fifty-fold over the past decade, rising from just ₹700 crore in FY2014 to ₹38,400 crore in FY2026. This surge has been driven by cost-competitive indigenous platforms, proven combat performance during Operation Sindoor, and the easing of export controls.

The United States remains the largest export destination, accounting for nearly half of shipments, while Europe and Armenia are emerging as important new markets. The government’s next milestone is ₹500 billion in exports by FY2029.

Technological advancements are reshaping spending priorities. Drones are fundamentally altering warfare economics, with the global military drone market valued at $30 billion in 2024 and projected to reach $75 billion by 2029. India is expected to spend $25–30 billion on drones and $4–5 billion on counter-drone systems over the next decade. This reflects the growing importance of unmanned systems in modern combat.

Global military spending has surged from $600–700 billion in the 1990s to $2.7 trillion in 2024. According to SIPRI, this figure could rise to $6.6 trillion by 2035. India currently ranks as the fifth-largest military spender globally, with an annual expenditure of $84 billion. Rising military budgets in neighbouring countries underscore the urgency for India to accelerate its own modernisation efforts.

Acceptance of Necessity approvals have surged nearly tenfold between FY2021 and FY2026, implying ₹6.5–7 trillion in new orders during FY2027–29. This pipeline highlights the scale of upcoming procurement and the opportunities for domestic manufacturers.

The share of domestic procurement has already risen from 54 percent in FY2019 to over 70 percent, positioning Indian companies to benefit from geopolitical tensions and expanding export opportunities.

Financially, Indian defence firms are trading at a significant premium compared to global peers. They operate at a forward price-to-earnings multiple of 50X versus 28X globally, reflecting faster projected growth.

Revenue CAGR for Indian firms is estimated at 26 percent, compared to the global average of 11 percent. Between FY2021 and FY2026, domestic manufacturers delivered a 25 percent revenue CAGR, while EBITDA margins expanded by 500 basis points to approximately 25 percent. Adjusted for lower R&D spending, the margin advantage narrows from 800 basis points to around 450 basis points, but remains substantial.

This structural upcycle in defence spending is expected to transform India’s defence-industrial identity. With rising exports, expanding domestic procurement, and technological investments in drones and advanced systems, India is steadily moving from being a major importer to a global exporter and innovator in defence technologies.

ANI


Carlyle Consortium To Acquire Micropack In ₹1,175 Crore Defence Bet


Carlyle is preparing to make a landmark investment in India’s defence technology sector by acquiring a controlling stake in Micropack, Economic Times reported.

The deal is valued at ₹1,175 crore, equivalent to $125 million, and represents the first major acquisition in this space by a global private equity giant. The move underscores the growing attraction of India’s defence manufacturing ecosystem for international investors.

The acquisition will see Carlyle initially purchase 60 per cent of Micropack, with provisions to gradually reduce its holding depending on financial milestones, while retaining at least 51 per cent. The remaining equity will stay with the current management, led by founder and managing director V Sreekar Reddy. This structure ensures continuity while enabling Carlyle to scale operations.

Micropack, headquartered in Bangalore, is a leading producer of printed circuit boards. Its products serve critical sectors including defence, space, avionics, telecom, medical, and industrial electronics. Defence and avionics remain its most important segments, with key clients such as ISRO, DRDO, and Data Patterns.

The company reported revenues of ₹250 crore in FY26 and an EBITDA of ₹100 crore, building on steady growth between FY21 and FY25, when revenues rose 20 per cent and profits advanced 29 per cent.

The Carlyle-led consortium includes Yali Capital, a venture capital fund specialising in deep tech areas such as semiconductors, robotics, genomics, aerospace, and AI.

Also joining is Mathew Cyriac of Florintree, a prominent investor in India’s defence equipment sector. Their participation highlights the increasing convergence of private equity and venture capital in backing advanced hardware and defence technologies.

Globally, Carlyle has a long track record of investing in defence and industrial infrastructure companies, having deployed $12 billion across firms such as Booz Allen Hamilton, StandardAero, Two Six Technologies, Loc Performance, Allison Transmission, and Axalta.

Earlier this year, Carlyle launched a dedicated aerospace, defence, and industrials investment unit to capitalise on rising military spending and resilient supply chain requirements. Retired General Bryan Fenton, former head of US Special Operations Command, has joined Carlyle as an operating executive to support these initiatives.

India’s defence spending continues to expand, with the FY27 budget reaching ₹7.85 lakh crore. Capital expenditure has grown sharply from ₹94,587.95 crore in FY15 to ₹2.19 lakh crore in FY27, reflecting the government’s commitment to modernisation and self-reliance.

Defence technology funding has also surged, with 2025 recording the highest-ever annual inflow of $247 million, taking cumulative funding to $711 million. Programmes such as Innovations for Defence Excellence (IDEX) and import restrictions have further boosted domestic start-ups and suppliers.

Micropack’s acquisition comes at a time when technologies developed for military applications are increasingly finding commercial uses in sectors such as autonomous vehicles, precision agriculture, telecommunications, and enterprise security.

This dual-use potential is driving investor interest and positioning India’s defence technology sector as a growth engine. A recent Inc42 survey confirmed advanced hardware and technology as a leading investment theme, second only to AI.

The Carlyle consortium’s bet on Micropack is therefore both strategic and symbolic. It signals confidence in India’s defence manufacturing capabilities, strengthens indigenous supply chains, and aligns with the government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat vision.

For Micropack, the deal promises fresh capital, global expertise, and expanded opportunities in both domestic and international markets.

Agencies


The Field Marshal’s Bleeding ‘Jugular Vein’


by Nilesh Kunwar

The Kashmir Mirage

Speaking on the occasion of Kashmir Solidarity Day charade last year, Pakistan’s Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) Field Marshal Asim Munir tried to play Nostradamus by saying, “Without any doubt, Kashmir will be free one day and part of Pakistan as per the free will and destiny of the people of Kashmir.”

Though the self-appointed Field Marshal’s pompous utterance was pregnant with contradictions, no one cared to point out the same-simply because it’s his wont to speak through his hat.

While addressing the Overseas Pakistani Convention a few months later, he haughtily declared that “Our stance is absolutely clear, it (J&K) was our jugular vein, it will be our jugular vein- we will not forget it.” Today, the Field Marshal who is heading Pakistan’s “hybrid regime” must be realising that instead of worrying about the ‘jugular vein’ called J&K that his army has failed to seize despite having waged war- not once but twice, the need to arrest burgeoning anti-Pakistan sentiments in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK) is more critical.

Hence it must be indeed very embarrassing for a person who just a year ago waxed eloquent about Kashmiris joining Pakistan as per their “free will” to be using brute force including live firing to quell peaceful protests by residents of Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK), which Islamabad ironically refers to as “Azad (independent) Kashmir.” And this is what makes Field Marshal Munir’s prognosis about Kashmiris wanting to become a part of Pakistan, rib-tickling.

‘Azad’ Kashmir’s Reality

Knowing that its claim to J&K lacks substance, Pakistan invests heavily in trying to peddle propaganda of excesses in J&K while portraying PoK as a place where the people are completely free and content. In 2011, Syed Ghulam Nabi Fai, an American citizen of Kashmiri origin running Kashmiri American Council in the US pleaded guilty to receiving USD 4 million from Pakistan army’s spy agency Inter Services Intelligence for influencing lawmakers into supporting Islamabad’s Kashmir narrative.

A decade later, cash-strapped Islamabad covertly organised a fully paid up trip for US Congresswoman Ilhan Omar who (expectedly) reciprocated this magnanimity by making pro-Pakistan and anti-India statements. However, with the people of PoK repeatedly taking to the streets since 2024 demanding basic facilities, an end to exploitation of natural resources and political manipulation by Islamabad to subjugate locals, the illusion of idyllic conditions and prosperity in PoK conjured by Islamabad has collapsed like a house of cards.

Rawalpindi’s Role

Thanks to its high handedness and perceptible lack of concern for locals, the Pakistan army was never popular in PoK and this isn’t an unsubstantiated allegation. After the massive 2005 earthquake that hit the area, Human Rights Watch (HRW) compiled a report in 2006 titled “With Friends Like These…” Though two decades old, this report is important as HRW has itself observed that “The earthquake put the international spotlight on Azad Kashmir (PoK) for the first time. Previously, attention had been almost wholly on Jammu and Kashmir state in India, which since 1989 has endured a brutal insurgency and counterinsurgency.

Its title is inspired by a Muzaffarabad resident’s remark made to HRW that “Pakistan (army) says they are our friends and India is our enemy. I agree India is our enemy, but with friends like these, who needs enemies?” And this observation aptly sums up the overall situation prevailing in PoK. Some specific instances mentioned in the report that expose the sorry state of affairs in PoK:

• Many Kashmiris told HRW that the Pakistani military kept a close watch on the population to ensure political compliance and control and this was facilitated by placement of military installations frequently in close proximity to populated areas.

• In the context of a military presence, that was more abuser than protector, and domineering Pakistani political control, the failure of the authorities to respond quickly and more humanely to the after effects of the earthquake in PoK came as little surprise.

• The Pakistani government in Islamabad, the Pakistani army and the Pakistani intelligence services (Inter-Services Intelligence, ISI) control all aspects of political life in PoK. Arbitrary arrest and detention and torture at the hands of the Pakistani military and the police; and discrimination against refugees from J&K state is commonplace.

• For those expressing independent or unpopular political views, there is a pervasive fear of Pakistani military and intelligence services-and of militant organizations acting at their behest or independently. The HRW report also noted that the 2005 earthquake exposed “The poor response of the Pakistani government and military to the (2005) earthquake, and the attendant further loss of life...” and a few instances recorded in the HRW report that buttresses this observation:

• In the first seventy-two hours after the earthquake, thousands of Pakistani troops stationed in PoK prioritised the evacuation of their own personnel over providing relief to desperate civilians.

• The international media filmed Pakistani troops standing by and refusing to help because they had “no orders” to do so even as locals attempted to dig out those still alive, sending a chilling message of indifference from Islamabad.

Complete Immunity

The HRW report mentions that it “knows of no cases in which members of military and paramilitary security and intelligence agencies have been prosecuted or even disciplined for acts of torture or mistreatment.” It has also documented “incidents of torture by the ISI, and by PoK police acting at the ISI’s and the army’s behest” that have not been investigated. Such a serious lack of accountability has made the army law unto itself and this is the prime reason for its cavalier ways.

Another thing that has enraged locals is the creation of terrorist infrastructure in PoK by the Pakistan army and luring Kashmiri youth to pick up guns and fight its proxy war in J&K. That’s why Sardar Aman Khan, a leader of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) spearheading the ongoing peaceful protests, mocked the establishment for proscribing this grass root rights organisation by saying, "They say they were terrorists. Look, it was the Pakistan Army that put guns into the hands of Kashmiris. Kashmiris had guns because the Pakistan Army gave them those guns. The entire Pakistan Army did it. And today, they have the audacity to call us terrorists!"

Reality Check

It would do the self-appointed field marshal a lot of good if he stops hallucinating and accepts ground realities. The ongoing protests in PoK rubbish his puerile prognosis that Kashmir will one day become “part of Pakistan as per the free will and destiny of the people of Kashmir.”

Furthermore, having failed not once but thrice, threatening to fight ten more wars for Kashmir in order to secure what he perceives to be Pakistan’s “jugular vein,” he needs to first prevent PoK from breaking away. The first of the ten wars promised by Field Marshal Munir has started – unfortunately, it’s not against India to wrest control of Kashmir, but being waged against the defenceless people of PoK.

What could be more embarrassing than this?

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own


'Take Off Your Uniform': Fazlur Rehman Challenges Asim Munir On Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa And Political Role


A prominent Pakistani religious and political figure Maulana Fazlur Rehman has sharply criticized the country’s military, accusing it of exceeding its constitutional authority, interfering in politics, and failing to reassert government control in violence-plagued Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, News18 reported.

Maulana Fazlur Rehman has delivered one of the sharpest rebukes of Pakistan’s military establishment in recent months, accusing Field Marshal Asim Munir and the armed forces of losing control over Balochistan and meddling in politics.

Speaking at a rally in Qasur, Punjab, the veteran politician and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) chief declared that the military had overstepped its constitutional role and challenged Munir to shed his uniform and contest elections if he wished to play a political role.

Rehman rejected Munir’s recent appeal for civilians to stand alongside the army in its fight against militant groups. He argued that defending the country was the military’s constitutional responsibility and that civilians should not be asked to wage battles that soldiers are paid to fight.

He said, “Your youth wear the uniform for this very purpose. They are paid salaries to defend the country’s security. Why do you throw the favour of your blood on me?”

He painted a grim picture of Pakistan’s security situation, claiming the state had steadily lost control over large parts of Balochistan and that violence had now engulfed Pashtun-majority regions as well. He declared that “the entire Baloch region had slipped out of Pakistan’s control” and warned that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was now drowning in blood, citing more than fifty bodies received in just two or three days.

Rehman criticised the military’s strategy of asking civilians to confront armed groups, warning that such policies would deepen social divisions and create generational vendettas. He said the armed forces were pushing the homeland toward murder and plunder, leaving behind cycles of personal vendettas that would last for generations.

He accused the military of repeatedly stepping into domains reserved for elected institutions, stressing that parliament, government departments, and the army each had their own boundaries.

He insisted that the army should remain within its own sphere of authority and not interfere in politics. He reminded the military leadership that they too were Pakistanis and brothers, but must respect constitutional limits.

Rehman reserved some of his sharpest criticism for what he alleged was the military’s long-standing role in shaping governments. He argued that the armed forces had taken it upon themselves to decide who should govern and who should be removed, and insisted that if they wished to rule, they must face the voters directly.

He said, “If you want to do politics, then take off the uniform and come; participate in the elections, and it will become clear what votes people give to those in uniform.”

His remarks amount to a direct challenge to Munir’s authority and revive the long-running debate over the military’s role in Pakistan’s politics and internal security.

They also highlight the growing frustration among mainstream political figures over the army’s dominance in governance and its failure to restore stability in violence-hit regions.

Agencies


Iran Celebrates Hawkish US Senator Lindsey Graham’s Death As Trump And Netanyahu Mourn


Iranian state-aligned broadcasters and platforms openly celebrated the sudden death of senior United States Senator Lindsey Graham on Sunday.

The veteran Republican lawmaker, known for his hawkish foreign policy positions, passed away unexpectedly after what his office described as a “brief and sudden illness.” His demise was met with starkly contrasting reactions across the globe.

Tasnim, an Iranian news agency affiliated with the regime, marked the event with hostile headlines, declaring, “Graham dies, taking the destruction of Iran to the grave.” The confrontational tone was echoed across domestic networks, where a state television host remarked that “this news is so sweet that I’m reading it twice,” while adding that the “war-mongering anti-Iran senator has gone straight to hell.”

Online networks linked to the regime also joined in the celebration. Supporters circulated a graphic showing several figures allegedly marked for revenge over the February attack on Iran. Graham’s face was crossed out with a red X, the only one “eliminated.” The image carried the warning words: “We will continue to update,” signalling ongoing threats against other individuals.

In sharp contrast, Iran’s exiled crown prince, Reza Pahlavi, extended heartfelt condolences. He remembered Graham as a “steadfast friend of the Iranian people” and a resolute defender of freedom. Pahlavi recalled Graham’s remarks at a gathering of Iranian opposition supporters in Munich earlier this year, where the senator declared, “I choose the Iranian people over the murderous ayatollah. It is time for him to go.” His advocacy for the opposition and the Lion and Sun Revolution had earned him the affectionate title “Uncle Lindsey” among Iranians.

Tributes also poured in from global leaders who valued Graham’s long-standing alliances. President Donald Trump described him as “one of the greatest people and senators I have ever known,” praising him as a “hard-working patriot.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed profound grief, stating, “Israel has lost one of its greatest friends. America has lost a great patriot. I have lost a beloved friend.” Both leaders underscored Graham’s pivotal role in strengthening strategic ties and defending allied interests.

The 71-year-old South Carolina representative’s death was reported to have followed an emergency response to a suspected cardiac arrest at his Capitol Hill residence. His passing leaves a significant void in American politics, particularly in the realm of foreign policy, where he was a vocal advocate for strong stances against Iran and unwavering support for Israel.

ANI


UAE And Qatar Intercept Iranian Missiles As Gulf Conflict Intensifies


The United Arab Emirates confirmed its air defence systems intercepted multiple Iranian missiles and drones on Sunday, while explosions were reported in Doha, Qatar, raising fears of a widening Gulf conflict after fresh U.S. strikes on Iranian targets.

Iran declared the Strait of Hormuz closed, warning of severe retaliation, further heightening risks to global energy supplies.

The UAE Defence Ministry announced that its air defence systems were actively engaging incoming missiles and drones. The National Emergency Crisis and Disaster Management Authority urged residents to remain calm and follow official instructions. Later, the ministry confirmed that its air defence systems were continuing to respond to a missile threat, maintaining a state of high alert across the country.

Explosions were heard in Doha, Qatar’s capital, where the government issued mobile phone alerts to residents warning of possible missile strikes. Qatar’s military confirmed it had intercepted incoming Iranian fire, underscoring the spread of hostilities across the Gulf region. The alerts and explosions heightened public anxiety, with residents urged to seek shelter and avoid circulating rumours.

The escalation followed a fresh round of U.S. strikes on Iranian targets. The United States Central Command stated that the operation was in response to Tehran’s attack on the Cyprus-flagged container ship M/V GFS Galaxy transiting the Strait of Hormuz. Washington accused Iran of “blatantly attacking” international shipping lanes, prompting retaliatory strikes against Iranian military infrastructure.

Iran responded by declaring the Strait of Hormuz closed “until further notice,” claiming the vessel had travelled on an unauthorised route. Tehran warned that any retaliation over the incident would be met with a “severe response.” The closure of the Strait, a critical chokepoint through which nearly 20 per cent of global oil and gas shipments pass, has raised alarm in energy markets and among Gulf states reliant on secure maritime trade.

Reports indicated that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) expanded its attacks beyond the UAE and Qatar, targeting U.S. bases in Jordan and Oman. Loud explosions were reported in Kuwait and Jordan, with Iran claiming responsibility for strikes on the Prince Hassan Air Base in Jordan. 

Bahrain also sounded missile alerts, urging citizens to remain calm and move to safe locations. Regional air defence systems intercepted several projectiles, but the scale of the attacks highlighted the fragility of the ceasefire framework.

The U.S. strikes marked the third round of military action against Iran in a week, reflecting the intensity of the confrontation. American forces launched precision strikes on Iranian radar installations and missile sites, aiming to degrade Tehran’s ability to threaten maritime traffic. However, Iran’s retaliatory barrages have demonstrated its capacity to project force across multiple Gulf states simultaneously.

The latest escalation has sharply increased concerns over Gulf security and global energy supplies. Brent crude prices surged past $114 per barrel, reflecting fears of prolonged disruption.

The Strait of Hormuz remains the most critical maritime chokepoint in the world, and its closure poses a direct threat to international trade and energy stability.

Diplomatic efforts have struggled to keep pace with the rapid escalation. Talks between U.S. and Iranian delegations in Muscat have stalled, while Pakistan continues mediation attempts.

Tehran insists that the release of $24 billion in frozen assets and relief from sanctions are prerequisites for any peace arrangement. Meanwhile, Gulf states remain on high alert, bracing for further missile and drone attacks.

The situation underscores the volatility of the region, where military exchanges between Iran and the U.S. now directly threaten neighbouring states. The UAE and Qatar’s interception of missiles and drones highlights the growing risk of collateral damage, while Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz signals a willingness to leverage global energy markets in its confrontation with Washington.

Agencies


Iran Claims Missile And Drone Strikes On US Bases In Jordan, Bahrain And Kuwait Amid Escalating Gulf Confrontation


Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has escalated its ‘eye-for-an-eye’ campaign, claiming coordinated missile and drone strikes on US military bases in Jordan, Bahrain, and Kuwait, while the US Central Command (CENTCOM) confirmed fresh precision strikes across Iran. The confrontation has sharply intensified around the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global trade artery.

Iran’s state-affiliated Nour News Agency reported that the IRGC and Iranian Army launched large-scale missile and drone attacks on US-linked bases in the Gulf region.

A senior Iranian military official said the operation was planned in response to continuing US strikes inside Iran and targeted sites identified after monitoring “enemy movements” over the past 48 hours.

The IRGC said the first phase of the operation struck Jordan’s Prince Hassan Airbase, claiming missiles and drones set fire to fuel depots and ammunition storage facilities. It linked the US strikes to an earlier IRGC Navy operation that intercepted two ships in the Strait of Hormuz, accusing them of switching off tracking systems and endangering navigation.

The second phase targeted Bahrain’s Sheikh Isa Airbase. Iran claimed its aerospace forces hit helicopter maintenance facilities, a hangar housing a P-8 surveillance aircraft, and a US drone command-and-control centre. Sirens were reportedly activated multiple times across Bahrain as explosions were heard.

The third phase focused on Kuwait. The IRGC claimed to have destroyed fuel tanks and Patriot air defence systems at Ali Al-Salem Airbase, along with a strategic FPS radar system at Ahmed Al-Jaber Airbase.

Iran emphasised that these strikes were part of its continuing retaliatory campaign and warned against further US involvement in the Strait of Hormuz, declaring it would not allow foreign military interference in the strategic waterway.

Iranian officials said the retaliatory operations were ongoing and that further results would be announced. Reports also indicated additional waves of Iranian strikes targeting US-linked facilities in Oman and Qatar, suggesting the operation may be expanding beyond the initial three Gulf states.

The escalation follows CENTCOM’s announcement of a major offensive on Sunday. US forces struck dozens of Iranian military installations, including air-defence systems, coastal radar infrastructure, missile and drone launch sites, and small tactical vessels.

In a notable escalation, CENTCOM deployed fighter aircraft, naval combatants, one-way attack aerial drones, and one-way attack sea drones simultaneously. The US military said the strikes were intended to protect international shipping and degrade Tehran’s ability to threaten civilian mariners and commercial vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz.

CENTCOM stressed that the Strait of Hormuz remains an international waterway and declared, “Iran does not control it.” The US accused Tehran of unwarranted aggression, harassment, and threats against commercial shipping. In a statement on X, CENTCOM confirmed that the Commander in Chief had directed the strikes to hold Iranian forces accountable.

The confrontation has already impacted global markets, with oil prices climbing amid fears of supply disruption. Regional states such as Jordan and Kuwait reported intercepting incoming missiles, while Bahrain activated air raid sirens multiple times. Iran, meanwhile, claimed to have shot down a US drone over Bandar Abbas, further intensifying the standoff.

This latest cycle of strikes underscores the collapse of recent ceasefire efforts and highlights the growing risk of a wider regional conflict centred on the Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly 20 percent of global energy supplies transit.

Agencies


Hormuz Vessel Traffic Falls To Five-Week Low Amid Escalating US-Iran Strikes


Hormuz traffic has slowed to its lowest level in several weeks as renewed strikes between the United States and Iran have intensified safety risks for vessels navigating the critical waterway.

Shipping data revealed that only six vessels transited the Strait of Hormuz on Sunday, marking the lowest figure in five weeks.

According to ship-tracking data from Kpler, the tankers that exited the strait included the Very Large Crude Carrier Humanity, which was laden with two million barrels of Iranian oil, and another vessel, Capetan Andreas, carrying approximately 5,00,000 barrels of Kuwaiti oil products.

In addition, three empty tankers entered the Gulf to load oil. Most of these tankers reportedly switched off their transponders while crossing the strait, a measure often taken to avoid detection during periods of heightened risk.

No liquefied natural gas carriers were visible on ship-tracking data over the weekend, indicating a pause in LNG traffic through the strait. This absence underscores the growing caution among operators amid escalating tensions.

Kpler data also showed that one tanker controlled by the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company exited the strait between July 10 and July 12. The vessel is currently en route to Dahej port in India, highlighting the continued importance of the corridor for South Asian energy imports despite the volatile security environment.

The slowdown in traffic coincided with another wave of U.S. strikes against Iran on Sunday. The U.S. Central Command confirmed that dozens of targets across multiple locations were hit with precision munitions. These strikes followed a series of Iranian attacks on ships in the Gulf region, which Tehran has justified as part of its broader campaign to assert control over maritime routes.

The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the world’s most vital energy chokepoints, facilitating the transit of a significant share of global crude oil and liquefied natural gas. Any disruption in its traffic has immediate implications for international energy markets, insurance premiums, and shipping costs. 

Analysts note that the latest decline in vessel movements reflects both the direct impact of military action and the broader uncertainty surrounding the safety of navigation in the region.

The renewed hostilities have revived fears of prolonged instability in the Gulf, with maritime operators increasingly adopting risk-averse strategies.

The combination of reduced traffic, transponder shutdowns, and the absence of LNG carriers suggests that the strait is entering a period of constrained operations, with global energy flows once again vulnerable to geopolitical shocks.

Agencies


Iran Publishes 'Revenge List' Naming Trump, Netanyahu, Macron, Meloni, Starmer And Eight Other Leaders After Khamenei’s Death


Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has delivered his first public message since the funeral of his father, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and it has coincided with the publication of a striking “revenge list” in the Iranian press.

The list was released online by Hamshahri, a national daily newspaper, late on Saturday. It names thirteen foreign leaders whom it portrays as targets in the aftermath of Ali Khamenei’s death. The publication was accompanied by a graphic layout that placed US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu under sniper-style crosshairs.

Beneath them, eleven other leaders were depicted in orange prison uniforms. These included British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, US Central Command Commander Brad Cooper, US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee, Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar.

In his statement, Mojtaba Khamenei declared that vengeance was the will of the Iranian nation and must inevitably be carried out. He warned that those named would never enjoy a peaceful death in their beds.

Despite the dramatic imagery, there was no indication that the list had been formally endorsed by Tehran. Mojtaba Khamenei himself did not specify which individuals he held directly responsible for his father’s assassination. His absence from public view since before the outbreak of hostilities has been noted, with reports suggesting he sustained injuries in the same strike that killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February.

The publication of the list coincided with reports in US media that Iran had planned to assassinate President Trump. CNN cited unnamed sources familiar with intelligence assessments, stating that Israel had shared information with Washington about a specific plot targeting the US leader.

These reports may explain Trump’s decision to switch aircraft when departing the NATO summit in Turkey, opting for an older plane. Speaking aboard Air Force One, he remarked that Iran wanted to eliminate him, adding that he had seen his name on “every single one of their lists.”

The developments came as the fragile ceasefire collapsed. On Sunday morning, the United States launched strikes on approximately 140 targets in response to Iranian attacks on commercial shipping. Tehran insisted that the vessels had ignored warnings about an approved route and announced that the Strait of Hormuz would remain closed until US interference in the region ended.

The Strait of Hormuz is one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints, carrying around one-fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments during peacetime. Its closure has immediate implications for energy markets and global trade.

Following the US strikes, Tehran also directed criticism at several Gulf nations, including Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman. Qatar described the attacks on its territory and neighbouring states as a dangerous escalation. Oman’s state media reported that its government condemned and denounced the strikes.

Iran’s parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, reinforced the message in a post on X, declaring that the era of one-sided deals was over. He warned that those who failed to honour commitments would pay the price, adding that “reality is knocking.”

This sequence of events underscores the volatility of the region following the assassination of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The emergence of the revenge list, the intelligence reports of assassination plots, and the renewed military exchanges highlight the deepening crisis and the uncertainty surrounding any prospects for peace.

ANI


Japan’s JAXA Successfully Completes First Lift-Off And Landing Test of RV‑X Reusable Rocket


Japan’s space agency JAXA has successfully carried out the first lift-off and landing test of its prototype reusable rocket RV‑X, a milestone that places the country firmly on the path to cost‑cutting launch technology long dominated by SpaceX.

The test, conducted on 11 July 2026 at Noshiro in Akita Prefecture, lasted about 40 seconds and demonstrated controlled ascent, hover, horizontal manoeuvring, and safe landing.

The prototype rocket, known as the Reusable Vehicle eXperiment (RV‑X), was launched from JAXA’s Noshiro Rocket Testing Center. It ascended to a height of around 10–11 metres, moved horizontally by approximately 16 metres, and then landed safely while maintaining an upright orientation.

The total flight time was under one minute, with JAXA confirming the rocket performed exactly as planned. The test was livestreamed by space enthusiasts and later confirmed in an official briefing.

RV‑X is a 7.3‑metre tall, 1.8‑metre diameter vehicle co‑developed by JAXA and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries. It is equipped with a durable engine that has already endured 165 combustion tests during ground trials, and features four shock‑absorbing landing legs to ensure safe recovery.

Engineers described the engine as “hardworking,” designed to withstand repeated launches and landings, potentially up to 100 cycles. This durability is central to Japan’s ambition to reduce launch costs by reusing the most expensive rocket components.

JAXA project manager Takashi Ito expressed relief and satisfaction at the successful test, noting that “very useful data” had been obtained. The agency will now analyse the landing impact and other performance metrics before proceeding to higher‑altitude trials. Future tests are expected to push RV‑X to 100 metres or more, gradually building towards operational reusability similar to SpaceX’s Falcon 9 boosters.

The achievement comes at a time of intense global competition. SpaceX has been reusing Falcon 9 rockets commercially since 2017, launching around 150 times annually. China achieved its first successful orbital‑class booster recovery just one day earlier, on 10 July 2026, using a sea‑based net capture system. Japan’s success therefore positions it alongside major players in the race for reusable launch systems.

Japan’s broader rocket industry has been under pressure to improve competitiveness. Its flagship H3 rocket was successfully launched in June 2026 after a previous failure, while private firms such as Honda R&D Co. achieved reusable rocket tests in 2025. JAXA is also collaborating internationally, working with France and Germany on the CALLISTO project, which will incorporate lessons from RV‑X and aim for higher altitudes and speeds.

Reusable rockets are seen as critical to reducing costs, increasing launch frequency, and ensuring sustainable access to space. By mastering this technology, Japan aims to strengthen its commercial competitiveness and national security, while reducing reliance on single‑use launchers that leave debris in orbit or fall into the sea.

This test marks the beginning of Japan’s practical journey into reusable spaceflight. While modest compared to SpaceX’s operational systems, RV‑X represents a proof‑of‑concept milestone that could accelerate Japan’s role in the global space economy.

Agencies