India’s Nuclear Attack (SSN) Submarine Program Faces Two-Decade Delay, Operational Only By 2036, Exposes Critical Underwater Vulnerability

India's underwater strike capability remains a critical vulnerability in its naval arsenal, with the much-anticipated indigenous nuclear-powered attack submarine (SSN) unlikely to enter service before 2036. This delay exacerbates a strategic gap, leaving the Indian Navy reliant on ageing assets and leased platforms amid escalating threats in the Indian Ocean Region, according to a TOI report.

The Indian Navy currently operates a modest fleet of submarines, comprising diesel-electric boats and a single nuclear ballistic missile submarine (SSBN).

The INS Arihant, commissioned in 2016, serves primarily as a strategic deterrent with limited strike capabilities due to its slower speed and shorter range compared to dedicated attack submarines.

Nuclear-powered attack submarines, or SSNs, offer unparalleled advantages: unlimited endurance, high submerged speeds exceeding 30 knots, and the ability to launch precision strikes with cruise missiles while remaining stealthy for weeks.

For India, these platforms are essential to counter China's expanding underwater fleet, which includes over 12 SSNs and advanced Type 093B Shang-class boats.

The cornerstone of India's SSN ambitions is Project 75-Alpha (P-75A), a collaboration with Russia under a 2019 inter-governmental agreement valued at over $3 billion. This project aims to construct six SSNs at Visakhapatnam's Shipbuilding Centre, leveraging leased Akula-class technology and Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) expertise.

However, progress has stalled due to supply chain disruptions, technological transfer hurdles, and funding constraints. Recent parliamentary reports indicate that the first SSN keel-laying may slip to 2028, with sea trials not before 2032 and full operational capability around 2036—pushing back earlier timelines by at least four years.

Compounding this, India's conventional submarine fleet is dwindling. Of the 16 diesel-electric boats planned under Project 75I, selection remains undecided after a decade of evaluations involving global contenders like Germany's Type 212 and Spain's S-80. The Navy's current 11-boat fleet averages over 20 years in age, with half undergoing extended refits.

China's naval surge heightens the urgency. Beijing's People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) now fields six Type 095 SSNs under construction, alongside Jin-class SSBNs patrolling the Bay of Bengal. These assets enable long-range strikes against Indian carriers and island territories, outpacing New Delhi's capabilities.

Pakistan, too, bolsters its underwater posture with Chinese-supplied Yuan-class (Hangor) submarines, equipped with AIP systems for extended submerged operations. Eight boats are slated for delivery by 2028, potentially armed with Babur-3 nuclear cruise missiles, threatening India's southern coasts.

India's leased SSNs provide interim relief. INS Chakra, the second Akula-class boat from Russia, arrived in 2012 but will decommission by 2025. Negotiations for a third lease falter amid Russia's Ukraine commitments and Western sanctions limiting spares.

Indigenous efforts under the Advanced Technology Vessel (ATV) project have yielded SSBNs like INS Arighat (expected 2024) and INS S4* (2025), but SSNs lag. The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) are developing a 190 MW pressurised water reactor (PWR) for SSNs, miniaturised from Arihant's 83 MW unit—yet integration trials persist.

Budgetary pressures strain timelines. The Navy's submarine modernisation requires ₹1.2 lakh crore over the next decade, per the 15-Year Naval Plan. Capital outlay for FY2026 hovers at ₹25,000 crore, insufficient against inflation and import dependencies for high-strength steel and sensors.

Technological bottlenecks abound. Achieving quiet propulsion rivals global leaders like the US Virginia-class or Russia's Yasen-M, demanding advanced pump-jet propulsors and anechoic coatings—areas where India's private sector, including Larsen & Toubro, shows promise but lacks scale.

Geopolitically, the Indo-Pacific's contested waters demand SSN deterrence. India's Quad partnerships with the US, Japan, and Australia emphasise interoperable underwater ops, yet capability gaps undermine credibility. Joint exercises like Malabar highlight New Delhi's reliance on allies' P-8I Poseidon aircraft for sub-hunting.

Alternative pathways include partnering with France for Scorpene-derived SSNs or accelerating Project P-75I with electric batteries over AIP. The government eyes private yards like Mazagon and Garden Reach for modular construction to compress timelines.

Yet, without urgent reforms—streamlined procurement, boosted R&D funding, and steel indigenisation—the 2036 horizon looms large. A 2030 SSN debut remains aspirational, per Navy Chief Admiral R. Hari Kumar's recent statements.

This capability void risks India's maritime dominance, inviting adventurism from adversaries. Bridging it demands political will to match China's aggressive shipbuilding, ensuring the seas from Malacca to the Arabian Gulf remain secure for trade and sovereignty.

TOI

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Dassault's CEO Eric Trappier Targets 2026 Signing For India's 114 Rafale MRFA Deal

Dassault Aviation's Chief Executive Officer, Éric Trappier, has expressed strong determination to finalise the landmark contract for 114 Rafale fighter jets under India's Multi-Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA) programme this year.

In a recent statement, Trappier emphasised, “We want to make sure that the 114 Rafale MRFA contract is signed this year.” This reflects the French aerospace giant's urgency to secure the deal amid ongoing negotiations with India's Defence Ministry.

The push comes shortly after a pivotal approval from India's Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), chaired by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh. Last month, the DAC cleared the long-stalled proposal for procuring 114 Rafale jets through a government-to-government (G2G) route, marking one of the largest defence acquisitions in India's history.

This green light revives ambitions dating back nearly 13 years to the original Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) tender, which collapsed amid protracted evaluations and political shifts. The Rafale, already proven in Indian service, now stands poised to bolster the Indian Air Force's (IAF) depleting squadrons.

Negotiations between the Indian Defence Ministry and Dassault are intensifying, focusing on critical elements such as pricing, delivery schedules, and the comprehensive weapons package. Sources indicate that India seeks competitive terms, leveraging its prior Rafale experience to negotiate offsets and local manufacturing components.

The first batch of 36 Rafale jets, acquired off-the-shelf in 2016, has significantly enhanced the IAF's capabilities with advanced avionics, Spectra electronic warfare suite, and multi-role versatility. The MRFA deal aims to scale this up dramatically, addressing squadron shortages amid regional threats from China and Pakistan.

Trappier's optimism aligns with France's strategic pivot towards deepening defence ties with India. Amid global supply chain pressures and geopolitical realignments, sealing the contract by 2026 would not only inject vitality into Dassault's order books but also reinforce Indo-French strategic partnerships.

India's defence procurement landscape has evolved considerably since the MMRCA debacle. The shift to G2G frameworks bypasses lengthy tender processes, enabling faster acquisitions while prioritising proven platforms like the Rafale over untested competitors.

The proposed 114 aircraft will feature India-specific enhancements, including integration with indigenous weapons such as Astra beyond-visual-range missiles and Rudram anti-radiation missiles. This aligns with India's Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative, emphasising technology transfer and local production through partnerships like those with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).

Delivery timelines under discussion target an initial tranche within 36-48 months, with full operationalisation by the early 2030s. This schedule is crucial for the IAF, which currently operates below 30 squadrons against an authorised strength of 42.

Economically, the deal could exceed ₹1 lakh crore, factoring in aircraft, weapons, spares, and maintenance. Offsets worth 30% of the contract value are mandated, promising inflows for Indian firms in aerospace manufacturing and MRO sectors.

Dassault's confidence stems from Rafale's combat pedigree, including strikes in Libya, Syria, and Mali, alongside its selection by nations like Egypt, Qatar, and Indonesia. For India, it offers seamless interoperability with the existing fleet, minimising training and logistical burdens.

Challenges persist, however. Budgetary constraints, competing priorities like the Tejas Mk2 and AMCA programmes, and calls for greater indigenisation could influence final terms. Yet, the DAC's nod signals political will at the highest levels.

Geopolitically, the Rafale MRFA strengthens India's aerial deterrence in the Indo-Pacific, countering China's J-20 stealth fighters and Pakistan's J-10Cs. It also underscores France's role as a reliable partner, distinct from US or Russian suppliers amid sanctions and delays.

As talks progress, both sides are aligning on intellectual property rights for local assembly, potentially at HAL facilities. This could pave the way for export-oriented production, elevating India's stature in global aerospace.

Trappier's timeline ambition faces the test of diplomatic and bureaucratic synchronisation. With India's defence budget for 2026-27 emphasising capital outlay, a signed contract could materialise before year-end, heralding a new era for IAF modernisation.

Agencies

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Solar Defence Breaks Ground In Nagpur: ₹12,800 Cr Mega Hub to Build 10,000 Drones & 1,000 Robots A Year

Solar Defence & Aerospace Limited (SDAL), a key subsidiary of the Solar Group, has unveiled a monumental ₹12,800 crore facility in the Multi-modal International Hub and Airport at Nagpur (MIHAN), according to a report by Nagpur Times.

This ambitious project, valued at over $1.4 billion, positions Nagpur as a pivotal centre for India's defence manufacturing ecosystem. Focused primarily on drones, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), and robotics, the facility promises to revolutionise indigenous production capabilities.

The investment aligns seamlessly with India's Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative, emphasising self-reliance in critical defence technologies. By establishing a state-of-the-art production hub, SDAL aims to reduce dependence on foreign imports for advanced aerial systems. The facility's scale underscores the growing private sector role in bolstering national security infrastructure.

At the heart of the project lies an expansive production capacity for manufacturing, testing, and evaluating cutting-edge UAVs and loitering munitions. These systems represent the forefront of modern warfare, offering precision strike capabilities and persistent surveillance. Loitering munitions, in particular, function as recoverable kamikaze drones, enhancing tactical flexibility for the Indian armed forces.

A standout feature is the dedicated 1.25-km runway designed specifically for testing Medium Altitude Long Endurance (MALE) drones.

This infrastructure will enable real-world flight trials, ensuring that prototypes meet rigorous performance standards before deployment. MALE drones, capable of operating at altitudes up to 30,000 feet for over 24 hours, are vital for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) missions.

The facility's strategic focus extends to weaponised UAVs, with plans to develop platforms that integrate advanced sensors, electro-optical systems, and precision-guided munitions.

Nagpur's emergence as a hub for such technologies could catalyse a cluster effect, attracting ancillary industries and fostering innovation in aerospace engineering. This development mirrors global trends where drone hubs like those in the US and Israel drive military exports.

Economically, the project is poised to generate over 6,800 direct and indirect jobs, injecting vitality into Maharashtra's industrial landscape. Skilled roles in engineering, avionics, software development, and manufacturing will empower local talent, particularly from engineering institutions in the region. This job creation aligns with government efforts to skill youth for high-tech defence sectors.

The broader ₹12,870 crore investment encompasses a comprehensive defence and aerospace park, incorporating research and development centres alongside production lines. This integrated ecosystem will support not only UAVs but also robotics for ground-based applications, such as autonomous vehicles and counter-drone systems. Synergies with Solar Group's existing expertise in explosives and propellants will further enhance munitions integration.

India's drone sector has witnessed exponential growth, propelled by recent policy reforms like the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme and liberalised drone rules. SDAL's entry intensifies competition among private players like IdeaForge and Adani Defence, spurring innovation and cost efficiencies. The facility could position India as a global exporter of affordable, combat-proven UAVs.

This initiative strengthens India's deterrence posture amid rising tensions along its borders. MALE drones and loitering munitions offer asymmetric advantages against numerically superior adversaries, complementing systems like the indigenous Nagastra-1. Integration with platforms such as the Tapas BH-201 will accelerate operational readiness for the Indian Air Force and Army.

SDAL's MIHAN venture marks a transformative leap for India's defence manufacturing. By nurturing homegrown UAV prowess, it not only fortifies national security but also elevates Nagpur's stature on the global aerospace map, heralding a new era of technological sovereignty.

Nagpur Times

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Low-Cost Capital Acquisition in DAP 2026: Accelerating Indigenous Defence Innovation Through Agile Procurement

The Ministry of Defence’s proposal to introduce a Low-Cost Capital Acquisition route under the draft Defence Acquisition Procedure 2026 marks a significant evolution in India’s procurement architecture.

The focus of this mechanism is squarely on indigenous, innovative and relatively low-cost technologies that often struggle to cross the “valley of death” between prototype and full-scale induction.

By configuring a separate route with clearly defined financial caps and a simplified pathway, the MoD is signalling its intent to move from slow, episodic adoption of new capabilities to a more responsive, technology‑driven procurement culture.

Under this Low-Cost Capital Acquisition, or LCCA, framework, each project will be subject to a cap of ₹75 crore, with an overall aggregate ceiling of ₹2,000 crore. This relatively modest financial envelope is deliberate: it defines LCCA as a niche, agile mechanism rather than a replacement for traditional, high‑value capital procurements. It is tailored to smaller, faster decisions where the risk is manageable, the technology cycle is short, and the focus is on experimentation, spiral development and early fielding of new solutions.

The primary purpose of LCCA is to bridge the persistent gap between prototype development and bulk procurement. India’s ecosystem of start-ups, MSMEs and R&D entities has begun producing a stream of promising defence technologies, but many of these stall after the demonstration stage because existing capital acquisition categories are cumbersome, lengthy and risk‑averse.

LCCA aims to provide a structured way to acquire limited numbers of such systems, deploy them operationally, and generate user feedback and confidence before committing to long‑term, large‑scale orders.

In practical terms, the LCCA route will support the procurement of limited quantities of indigenous equipment for evaluation, operational trials and initial deployment. This can include experimental units, early operational capability batches, or technology demonstrators that have matured beyond the lab but are not yet ready for Long Term Bulk Acquisition.

For example, a small batch of swarming drones, loitering munitions, AI‑enabled surveillance systems or counter‑UAS solutions could be acquired rapidly under LCCA for field trials in realistic operational environments.

By design, LCCA complements rather than competes with existing innovation schemes like iDEX and the Make categories. These frameworks focus heavily on funding development and prototyping, whereas LCCA specifically targets the “post‑prototype” phase where the Services need a rapid but structured mechanism to buy and use these solutions in limited numbers. In doing so, it closes a critical loop: from concept and funding, through development and trials, to initial operational deployment and eventual large‑scale induction under standard capital acquisition categories.

The limitations built into LCCA are as important as its enablers. The per‑project cap of ₹75 crore encourages disciplined scoping and prioritisation; only those technologies that can deliver tangible, near‑term capability impact within this envelope will be considered.

The aggregate cap of ₹2,000 crore ensures that LCCA remains a controlled experiment in agile procurement rather than an unbounded expenditure line. This financial discipline is intended to reassure stakeholders that innovation and speed will be pursued without undermining fiscal prudence or oversight.

Strategically, the LCCA initiative is closely aligned with the broader Atmanirbhar Bharat agenda in defence. By privileging indigenous solutions and creating a clear path for their early adoption, it strengthens domestic design and manufacturing ecosystems. Indian firms, particularly start-ups and MSMEs, gain not only revenue but also crucial reference orders and user feedback, enabling them to iterate products, improve reliability and compete more effectively, both in future domestic tenders and in export markets.

For the armed forces, LCCA promises a more dynamic capability development trajectory. Rather than waiting several years for large‑scale contracts to fructify, the Services can rapidly induct small numbers of emerging technologies, test them under real operational conditions and refine their concepts of operations.

This iterative approach is particularly valuable in domains where the pace of change is high, such as unmanned systems, cyber defence, artificial intelligence, electronic warfare, space support systems and advanced sensors.

The LCCA provision also recognises the need for short‑cycle technology items that may have limited life spans but high near‑term utility. Systems in the digital, software‑defined and AI‑enabled categories often become obsolete in a matter of years, not decades.

A procurement framework that allows small, frequent acquisitions of such items matches the technology refresh cycle far better than traditional, long‑duration capital projects. This, in turn, helps maintain qualitative edge in high‑velocity domains.

The draft DAP 2026, within which LCCA is being proposed, includes several complementary reforms that together aim to transform India’s defence procurement landscape. Among these are proposals for two‑stage trials, where equipment can be progressively evaluated and refined rather than subjected to a single, rigid, all‑or‑nothing test sequence.

This supports a more iterative and collaborative relationship between user and industry, particularly beneficial for emerging technologies where requirements can evolve as operational understanding deepens.

Another proposed feature is the Long Term Bulk Acquisition framework, which seeks to provide visibility and predictability for large‑scale procurements over extended periods. When viewed together with LCCA, LTBA enables a two‑step pathway: initial induction of limited quantities under LCCA for evaluation and concept validation, followed by scaled‑up acquisition under LTBA once performance, reliability and doctrine have been proven. This creates a coherent pipeline from innovation to mass fielding.

The assurance of 5‑year orders for iDEX and Make projects, as envisaged in the draft DAP 2026, further reinforces this pipeline. Developers and manufacturers gain the confidence that successful prototypes will not face an endlessly delayed path to market.

LCCA can serve as a practical bridge in this ecosystem, enabling those first operational orders that validate technology, de‑risk larger investments, and justify the establishment of production capacities, supply chains and support infrastructure.

Operationally, the introduction of LCCA can accelerate the Services’ ability to respond to emerging threat patterns and tactical requirements. In an environment where adversaries are rapidly deploying new technologies, from low‑cost drones to sophisticated electronic warfare tools, the ability to induct and iterate counter‑technologies quickly is vital.

LCCA gives the Services a sanctioned route to move at this pace without having to force innovative projects into ill‑suited legacy procurement templates.

From an institutional perspective, implementation will require clear definition of processes, responsibilities and timelines under the LCCA route. Decision‑making thresholds, evaluation criteria, and post‑induction assessment mechanisms will need to be codified in the final DAP 2026.

The MoD and the Services will also have to ensure that LCCA is not burdened with the same procedural overheads that it is meant to circumvent, while still maintaining transparency, competition where feasible, and auditability.

For industry, especially smaller players, the success of LCCA will hinge on clarity of eligibility, alignment with existing innovation programs and predictability of demand. To fully realise the benefits, the MoD may need to issue indicative lists of priority technology areas, conduct outreach to innovators and streamline documentation requirements. Clear communication that LCCA is focused on indigenous content will further incentivise domestic design, IP creation and local value addition.

In essence, Low-Cost Capital Acquisition under the draft DAP 2026 represents a deliberate shift towards a more agile, risk‑tolerant and innovation‑friendly procurement mindset within the Indian defence establishment.

While its monetary scale is limited by design, its strategic impact could be disproportionate if it successfully nurtures a culture of experimentation, short‑cycle capability upgrades and sustained engagement with the country’s growing defence innovation ecosystem.

As the draft moves through consultations and refinement, the eventual operationalisation of LCCA will be closely watched by both the Services and industry as a bellwether of India’s seriousness about marrying Atmanirbhar Bharat with genuinely modern acquisition practices.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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Q-Alpha Aerospace Pioneers Mach 10 RHH-150 Hypersonic Swarm UCAV

Bangalore-based Q-Alpha Aerospace is at the forefront of India's defence innovation with its ambitious RHH-150 project, touted as the nation's first hypersonic unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV). This air-breathing, variable-range, multi-role agile hypersonic SWARM UCAV promises to redefine aerial warfare through unprecedented speed and adaptability.

Founded in 2023, the start-up has rapidly gained attention by planning to showcase a scaled-down model at Aero India 2025, highlighting India's push towards indigenous hypersonic capabilities.

The RHH-150 stands out with its Mach 10 top speed, powered by the advanced HTJ-160 air-breathing hypersonic propulsion system. This engine enables not just blistering velocity but also remarkable agility, allowing real-time course corrections and evasive manoeuvres at hypersonic velocities, rendering interception exceedingly difficult.

Measuring 27.6 metres in length and boasting a 14.2-metre wingspan, the UCAV combines massive physical presence with operational range exceeding 3,600 km, suitable for both rapid short-range strikes and extended deep-penetration missions.

Central to the RHH-150's design is its SWARM functionality, enabling coordinated operations among multiple units to overwhelm adversaries. These formations can execute simultaneous reconnaissance, multi-angle strikes, and target saturation tactics, saturating enemy defences with synchronised precision. Enhanced by advanced AI-driven systems, the UCAVs adapt dynamically, processing real-time intelligence for autonomous decision-making and seamless integration with broader battlefield networks.

Stealth features further amplify the RHH-150's lethality, incorporating air-breathing stealth technology that minimises radar signatures. Paired with its hypersonic dash, this allows undetected penetration of fortified zones, precise strikes, and swift exfiltration before defences react. The platform's multi-role versatility supports air-to-air combat, air-to-ground attacks, intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance (ISR), and electronic warfare (EW) missions, ensuring comprehensive battlefield effectiveness.

Versatile deployment options make the RHH-150 adaptable to diverse scenarios, launchable from land, air, or sea-based platforms including aircraft carriers. Its air-breathing engine supports sustained loitering for persistent surveillance alongside high-speed dashes, offering flexibility for evolving threats. Q-Alpha emphasises mission adaptability for shorter runways and dynamic environments, positioning it as a rapid-response asset.

Complementing the UCAV, Q-Alpha is developing the AI-powered QAL-J10 turbojet engine, a 10 kN multi-stage unit with afterburner and exhaust choking for next-generation drones and hypersonic platforms. Compatible with turbine-based combined cycle (TBCC) architecture, it leverages digital twin technology for simulated performance optimisation and operational insights. This engine underscores the company's holistic approach to propulsion innovation.

Q-Alpha Aerospace's emergence aligns with India's Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative in defence manufacturing, fostering private-sector contributions to strategic technologies. As a Bangalore innovator, it draws from the city's aerospace ecosystem, potentially collaborating with DRDO or HAL on hypersonic advancements. The RHH-150's showcase at Aero India 2025 drew international interest, signalling India's intent to join the elite hypersonic club alongside powers like the US, Russia, and China.

Challenges in hypersonic development, such as thermal management and material durability under extreme conditions, remain significant hurdles. Yet, Q-Alpha's focus on AI augmentation and digital twins positions it to address these through iterative prototyping. Recent updates as of March 2026 indicate advanced prototyping stages for SWARM and digital twin systems, hinting at progress towards flight testing.

Strategically, the RHH-150 could bolster India's deterrence against regional threats, enabling swift responses in contested airspace along borders. Its swarm tactics offer asymmetric advantages, countering numerically superior forces through overwhelming precision. Integration with manned platforms or space-based assets could enhance India's multi-domain operations doctrine.

Looking ahead, successful RHH-150 maturation could spur exports and partnerships, elevating India's global defence stature. Q-Alpha's trajectory exemplifies how start-ups are accelerating indigenous capabilities, potentially delivering operational hypersonic UCAVs within the decade. This Bangalore breakthrough marks a pivotal step in India's aerospace ambitions.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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India's Thorium-Powered Nuclear Ambition: 100 GW By 2047

India stands poised to harness its dominant 25% share of global thorium reserves, transforming this abundant resource into a cornerstone of its energy future. With a target of 100 GW nuclear power capacity by 2047, the nation aims to secure energy independence and a low-carbon electricity grid. This ambitious strategy pivots on a unique three-stage nuclear program, leveraging thorium in advanced reactors to overcome uranium scarcity.

At the heart of this vision lies India's three-stage nuclear program, meticulously designed to transition from limited domestic uranium supplies to the vast thorium deposits nestled in monazite sands along its coasts. Stage one relies on pressurised heavy water reactors (PHWRs) fuelled by natural uranium, producing plutonium as a byproduct. Stage two employs fast breeder reactors (FBRs) that use this plutonium to breed uranium-233 from thorium, multiplying fuel efficiency.

Stage three represents the pinnacle, deploying advanced heavy water reactors (AHWRs) optimised for thorium-uranium-233 cycles. These reactors promise higher efficiency and inherent safety features, such as passive cooling systems that minimise meltdown risks. Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) leads this charge, positioning India as a global frontrunner in thorium-based nuclear technology.

The scale of the target underscores its transformative potential. Current nuclear capacity hovers around 9 GW, but plans call for expansion to 100 GW by India's centenary of independence in 2047. This would meet approximately 10% of projected energy demand, slashing reliance on coal and curbing emissions in a nation where fossil fuels dominate.

A key pillar involves 54 GW from new plants spearheaded by the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL). These include large-scale PHWRs and light water reactors (LWRs) fuelled by imported uranium. Complementing them are small modular reactors (SMRs), offering flexibility for deployment in diverse settings.

BARC's Bharat Small Modular Reactors (BSMR-200), rated at 200 MWe, and smaller 55 MWe variants target industrial hubs, off-grid communities, and remote regions. Factory-assembled for quicker deployment, SMRs reduce construction timelines and costs compared to gigawatt-scale behemoths. Their modular design also enhances scalability, allowing incremental capacity additions.

Implementation draws robust governmental backing, evidenced by a 170% surge in nuclear budgets since 2014. NPCIL oversees fleet expansion, while public-private partnerships accelerate SMR commercialisation. Recent missions, such as the 2024 Nuclear Energy Mission, signal accelerated timelines, with prototype AHWRs slated for testing by decade's end.

Thorium's appeal stems from its abundance—India holds over 846,000 tonnes, dwarfing global uranium endowments—and superior safety profile. Unlike uranium-plutonium fuels prone to weapons proliferation, thorium cycles yield minimal long-lived waste and resist diversion for military use. This aligns seamlessly with India's non-proliferation commitments under the Nuclear Suppliers Group waiver.

Yet, challenges abound. High upfront capital costs for reactor construction deter investors, compounded by gestation periods spanning a decade or more. Heavy water production, vital for PHWRs and AHWRs, demands massive scaling—current output suffices for 10 GW but falls short for 100 GW ambitions.

Regulatory hurdles persist, including stringent safety norms post-Fukushima and public apprehensions over radiation risks. Land acquisition for coastal sites, prone to seismic activity, adds friction. Fuel fabrication for thorium cycles remains nascent, with BARC's pilot facilities yet to achieve industrial scale.

To bridge immediate gaps, India imports uranium from allies like Russia, Kazakhstan, and Canada, fuelling 14 operational reactors and seven under construction. This pragmatic blend sustains growth while thorium infrastructure matures. Innovations in fuel reprocessing and waste management further bolster viability.

Strategic imperatives amplify urgency. As climate pledges under the Paris Agreement intensify, nuclear power offers dispatchable baseload energy sans intermittency plaguing renewables. Thorium mastery could position India as an exporter of SMR technology, fostering energy diplomacy in the Global South.

Global precedents inspire confidence. China's thorium molten salt reactor trials and shipping's flirtation with nuclear propulsion echo India's path. Domestically, indigenous manufacturing—encompassing forgings, steam generators, and control systems—curbs import dependence, echoing successes in missiles and space.

Progress milestones include the Kakrapar-1 reactor's restart on imported fuel and Kalpakkam's Prototype FBR nearing criticality. By 2030, officials project 22 GW operational, ramping to 100 GW via phased SMR rollouts and AHWR fleets.

Economic multipliers beckon: each GW installed could generate thousands of high-skill jobs, from engineers to fabricators, while slashing power tariffs long-term. A low-carbon grid fortified by thorium would supercharge electrification, powering electric vehicles and data centres.

Critics highlight financing voids—trillions of rupees needed amid fiscal strains—and uranium import vulnerabilities amid geopolitical flux. Yet, green bonds, international financing from bodies like the IAEA, and risk-sharing models offer pathways.

India's nuclear odyssey, born from Homi Bhabha's vision, now converges with Atmanirbhar Bharat. By wedding geological bounty to engineering prowess, the nation charts a course toward sustainable superpower status. Success here could redefine global energy paradigms, proving thorium's viability beyond laboratory confines.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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Poland-Based Liftero To Power India's OrbitAID With Pioneering Green Thrusters For In-Orbit Servicing Mission

Liftero, a Polish start-up specialising in chemical propulsion, has secured a significant contract with India's OrbitAID to supply advanced green propulsion systems for an upcoming in-orbit servicing mission.

The agreement, announced on 5 March 2026, involves Liftero providing two multi-thruster BOOSTER configurations. These will enable six degrees of freedom (6-DOF) manoeuvring, marking the first such application of a nitrous oxide (N2O)-based system in in-orbit servicing.

OrbitAID, based in India, focuses on commercial in-orbit servicing as the nation's inaugural private venture in this domain. The mission is slated for the fourth quarter of 2026, with the propulsion systems powering both the chaser and target spacecraft.

This setup will facilitate controlled proximity operations in orbit, essential for tasks like satellite refuelling and servicing to extend operational lifespans.

Tomasz Palacz, CEO and co-founder of Liftero, highlighted the partnership's pioneering nature. He noted that deploying their BOOSTER propulsion in this context proves green chemical propulsion's readiness for widespread adoption.

Palacz described the project as a major challenge with multiple industry 'firsts', underscoring its ambition for both companies.

OrbitAID's CEO, Sakthikumar R, praised the BOOSTER's versatility. He emphasised its ability to meet the spacecraft's performance needs through rapid, cost-effective customisation, even under tight deadlines.

The nitrous oxide-based system represents a 'green' alternative, aligning with efforts to reduce environmental impact in space operations.

Liftero positions itself as Poland's foremost developer of space-proven green chemical propulsion. The company is preparing for a debut on the NewConnect market of the Warsaw Stock Exchange as part of its growth strategy.

OrbitAID's broader ambitions include establishing in-orbit fuel stations. These aim to prolong satellite viability, mitigate space debris, and promote sustainable space activities.

The deal's financial value remains undisclosed, but it signals growing international collaboration in the in-orbit servicing sector.

This partnership bridges European propulsion expertise with India's burgeoning space commercialisation efforts, potentially paving the way for more Indo-Polish ventures.

In-orbit servicing addresses key challenges in satellite operations, where fuel depletion often leads to premature decommissioning. By enabling refuelling and maintenance, missions like OrbitAID's could dramatically cut costs and debris generation.

The 6-DOF capability from Liftero's BOOSTER allows precise control in all translational and rotational axes, critical for safe docking and manipulation in microgravity.

Nitrous oxide propulsion offers advantages over traditional hydrazine systems, including lower toxicity and simpler handling, making it ideal for commercial applications.

OrbitAID's selection of Liftero underscores the Polish firm's agile development framework, capable of tailoring solutions swiftly.

As private players like OrbitAID emerge, they complement national efforts such as those by ISRO, accelerating India's space economy.

Liftero's Warsaw base and stock market plans reflect Poland's rising profile in European space tech, beyond traditional powers like France and Germany.

The Q4 2026 timeline positions this mission amid a busy launch manifest, heightening its visibility.

Success here could validate N2O propulsion for demanding roles, influencing future designs in servicing, debris removal, and assembly. Both firms expressed optimism for ongoing collaboration, hinting at expanded missions ahead.

This development bolsters global momentum towards sustainable orbit utilisation, countering the proliferation of defunct satellites.

Space News

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Govt Relief For Exporters Amid West Asia Crisis Amid West Asia Shipping Chaos

The Indian government has introduced targeted relaxations for exporters grappling with the fallout from the West Asia crisis.

These measures automatically extend export obligation periods, offering much-needed breathing space amid severe disruptions to global shipping routes and supply chains.

The Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) issued a public notice outlining the changes. Export obligations (EO) under specified advance authorisations and Export Promotion Capital Goods (EPCG) authorisations—those expiring between 1 March and 31 May 2026—have been extended to 31 August 2026.

Crucially, this extension comes without the need for exporters to pay a composition fee or submit separate applications. It builds on existing provisions in the foreign trade policy, which previously required such payments for similar relief.

Under the EPCG scheme, domestic firms import duty-free capital goods, such as machinery, in exchange for fulfilling export commitments. The ongoing crisis has made compliance increasingly difficult, prompting urgent demands from the exporting community.

The West Asia crisis stems from last month's joint US-Israel attack on Iran, escalating tensions and triggering widespread shipping disruptions. Ships face delays, rerouting, and heightened risks, which have driven up sea and air freight rates alongside soaring insurance premiums.

These pressures threaten the price competitiveness of Indian goods in international markets. If unresolved, they could erode export margins and hinder growth at a time when global trade already contends with headwinds like high US tariffs.

India's export performance reflects these strains. In January 2026, shipments rose marginally by 0.61 per cent to USD 36.56 billion, while the trade deficit ballooned to a three-month high of USD 34.68 billion.

The government's intervention underscores its commitment to shielding exporters from geopolitical shocks. By automating the extension process, it provides operational flexibility without bureaucratic hurdles.

Regional DGFT authorities will verify EO compliance during the issuance of Export Obligation Discharge Certificates (EODC), closure, or regularisation of authorisations. Customs officials have been notified to align exports with the revised timelines.

This applies specifically to advance authorisations—including those for annual requirements and special cases—as well as EPCG authorisations. The move aims to prevent temporary disruptions from derailing long-term export promotion efforts.

Broader implications loom for India's trade landscape. Sustained conflict in West Asia could exacerbate supply chain vulnerabilities, particularly for sectors reliant on timely maritime logistics.

Exporters in textiles, pharmaceuticals, engineering goods, and electronics stand to benefit most, as these often operate under advance and EPCG schemes. The relief buys time to renegotiate contracts and adapt to elevated costs.

Government sources emphasise that this is a proactive step to sustain India's export momentum. With global uncertainties mounting, such policies signal resilience and foresight in trade strategy.

Stakeholders have welcomed the decision, viewing it as a pragmatic response to exporter pleas. It aligns with New Delhi's broader push to bolster domestic manufacturing and export competitiveness under initiatives like Make in India.

As the crisis evolves, further measures may emerge. For now, this extension serves as a critical buffer, ensuring compliance obligations do not compound the logistical chaos.

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Asim Munir Meets Saudi Defence Minister To Bolster Defence Pact As Iran Targets Saudi Amid Regional Turmoil

Open-source illustrative photo          

Pakistan's Chief of Defence Forces, Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, has undertaken a significant visit to Saudi Arabia amid mounting tensions in West Asia. He held discussions with Saudi Defence Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman on the precarious regional security landscape.

This meeting assumes particular importance following recent Iranian attacks on Saudi territory, which have thrust a mutual defence pact between Islamabad and Riyadh into sharp focus.

The defence agreement, inked last year, obliges both nations to support each other militarily in the event of aggression by a third party. It faced its inaugural challenge after Afghan Taliban forces struck Pakistan on 26 February, prompting Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif to describe the situation as "open war".

Tensions escalated further when Iran reportedly unleashed drones and missiles against Saudi Arabia in retaliation for joint US-Israeli strikes.

Questions have swirled in diplomatic circles over whether Pakistan would honour its commitments under the pact should a full-scale war erupt between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Field Marshal Munir's trip to Riyadh underscores Islamabad's proactive stance in addressing these concerns.

The visit highlights Pakistan's deepening strategic alignment with the Gulf kingdom at a time of heightened volatility.

Prince Khalid bin Salman addressed the meeting in a statement on X early on Saturday. He emphasised joint efforts to halt the Iranian attacks, which he deemed detrimental to regional security and stability. The Saudi minister expressed optimism that Iran would embrace "wisdom and reason" and avoid "wrong calculations".

The discussions unfolded explicitly within the framework of the bilateral strategic defence pact. Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to countering threats that jeopardise peace in West Asia. This comes as Saudi Arabia grapples with direct assaults, placing the kingdom squarely in the crosshairs of escalating hostilities.

Pakistan has maintained diplomatic channels with both Saudi Arabia and Iran since the onset of the current crisis. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held talks with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar engaged multiple times with his Saudi counterparts.

Dar also reached out to his Iranian opposite number, imploring restraint and urging Tehran not to target Saudi Arabia. These multifaceted communications reflect Pakistan's delicate balancing act as a mediator in the fray. Islamabad seeks to avert broader conflict while safeguarding its alliance with Riyadh.

Official commentary from Pakistan on Field Marshal Munir's Saudi visit remains absent as of now. This reticence may stem from the sensitive nature of the deliberations. Nonetheless, the trip signals Islamabad's readiness to operationalise the defence pact if circumstances demand.

The backdrop to these developments includes Iran's aggressive posture following US-Israeli actions. Saudi Arabia views these Iranian strikes as provocative escalations that test longstanding partnerships. For Pakistan, the pact represents a cornerstone of its foreign policy in the Gulf, bolstered by economic ties and Islamic solidarity.

Broader implications loom large for South Asian geopolitics. Pakistan's involvement could draw it into a wider Middle Eastern conflagration, straining resources amid its own border skirmishes with the Taliban. Riyadh, in turn, relies on Pakistani military expertise, honed through decades of cooperation.

As tensions simmer, the Munir-Salman dialogue may pave the way for coordinated responses. Saudi hopes for Iranian de-escalation hinge on diplomatic pressure from allies like Pakistan. The kingdom's leadership appears intent on leveraging the pact to deter further aggression.

Pakistan's military top brass has long enjoyed close relations with Saudi counterparts, including training programmes and joint exercises. This visit reinforces that bond, potentially foreshadowing enhanced defence collaboration. Observers will watch closely for any Pakistani activation of the mutual aid clause.

In the wider context, West Asia's instability threatens global energy markets and shipping lanes. Pakistan, as a stakeholder in regional stability, positions itself as a pivotal player. The outcome of these high-level talks could influence the trajectory of the Iran-Saudi rift.

Diplomatic manoeuvring continues apace, with no immediate signs of de-escalation from Iran. Saudi Arabia's public call for restraint masks underlying resolve to defend its sovereignty. Pakistan's role, though understated, may prove decisive in shaping the conflict's path.

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Nuclear Shadow Over Iran's Gulf Onslaught: Pakistan Joins Saudi-US-Israel Axis Against Tehran In West Asia War

The escalating conflict in West Asia, pitting Iran against Israel and the United States, shows no signs of abating, drawing in regional powers with profound strategic implications.

Pakistan, a nuclear-armed nation with intricate ties across the Gulf, watches these developments with acute interest. Its newly formalised defence pact with Saudi Arabia has thrust Islamabad into a precarious position, potentially pulling it towards direct involvement.

In September 2025, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia inked the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA), a pact declaring any attack on one signatory an assault on both. This framework promises coordinated defensive responses, though operational details remain opaque. The agreement underscores Riyadh's quest for reliable security guarantees amid rising Iranian assertiveness.

The pact's relevance crystallised on Tuesday when Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Ishaq Dar, referenced it publicly amid communications with Tehran. Speaking to reporters, Dar recounted a discussion with Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi, emphasising, “I made them understand that we have a defence agreement.” This marked Islamabad's first overt linkage of the SMDA to the unfolding Iran war.

Dar's remarks extended to parliament, where he credited the pact with minimising missile and drone strikes on Saudi soil compared to other Gulf neighbours. He suggested Iran sought assurances that Saudi territory would not host anti-Iranian operations. While neither side has invoked the pact formally, its shadow looms large over the crisis.

Pakistan's nuclear arsenal adds a grave dimension. Analysts speculate whether the SMDA implicitly extends Islamabad's nuclear umbrella to Riyadh, a notion unconfirmed by official channels. The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons highlighted concerns from Chatham House experts, warning that the deal “sets a precedent for extended deterrence” outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

Recent Iranian actions have tested Saudi resolve. Drones struck the US embassy in Riyadh on Tuesday, coinciding with Dar's statements. Warnings followed of imminent attacks on Dhahran, home to Saudi Aramco's vital energy infrastructure. A prior drone hit the Ras Tanura refinery complex on Monday, amplifying Gulf-wide alarms.

Saudi Arabia, initially neutral, vowed retaliation against further “flagrant behaviour.” Its state news agency affirmed Riyadh's right to “take all necessary measures” to safeguard security and interests. This shift followed Iran's direct strikes, upending Saudi efforts to bar its soil from US-Israeli operations against Tehran.

Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif conveyed solidarity to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in a call, pledging full support without naming the SMDA explicitly. Tragically, a Pakistani citizen perished in an Iranian missile strike on Abu Dhabi, UAE, sharpening Islamabad's stakes.

Islamabad's response to the war blends caution and condemnation. Pakistan decried the killing of Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei but stopped short of blaming the US or President Donald Trump—despite nominating him repeatedly for the Nobel Peace Prize. This restraint reflects diplomatic balancing.

Defence Minister Khawaja Asif struck a sharper tone on social media, decrying Israel's role in Islamic world's woes as “Zionist ideology” at work. He alleged a plot to extend Israeli influence to Pakistan's borders, uniting Afghanistan, Iran, and India against Islamabad. Asif urged vigilance against “eternal enemies.”

Pakistan grapples with its own frontier inferno. Cross-border clashes with Taliban forces in Afghanistan rage into a seventh day, prompting civilian evacuations amid shelling. Islamabad admits airstrikes on Afghan targets to neutralise militant launchpads, which the Taliban denies harbouring.

Rana Sanaullah, adviser to Sharif, claimed on Geo TV that most training centres lie destroyed, demanding Afghan guarantees against soil misuse. This dual-front strain complicates Pakistan's West Asian calculus.

Economic lifelines bind Pakistan to the Gulf. Over four million nationals toil there as labourers, their remittances bolstering a fragile economy. Any escalation risks these flows, while domestic politics weigh heavily—Pakistan's 40 million Shia Muslims could mobilise against anti-Iran stances.

A decade ago, Islamabad rebuffed Saudi pleas to join Yemen operations against Iran-backed Houthis, irking Gulf allies but preserving sectarian neutrality. The SMDA alters this dynamic, yet invocation remains elusive amid Pakistan's dilemmas.

Broader geopolitics intensify the pressure. Saudi Arabia's pact with Pakistan signals a pivot from US dependencies, amid Riyadh's nuclear ambitions whispered in defence circles. For Islamabad, honouring the SMDA could entangle it in a multi-front war, testing its conventional and nuclear thresholds.

Iran's missile and drone prowess—honed through proxies—poses asymmetric threats to Gulf infrastructure. Pakistan's experience with similar threats from India informs its caution, yet the SMDA demands solidarity.

India observes warily, given its own Saudi ties and Pakistan rivalry. New Delhi's neutral stance on the war belies concerns over nuclear proliferation and Pakistani adventurism.

Global powers manoeuvre accordingly. The US bolsters Israel while eyeing Gulf bases; Russia and China court Iran, potentially arming it further. Pakistan's alignment could reshape alliances.

Islamabad treads a razor's edge: fidelity to Saudi Arabia risks Iranian retaliation and domestic unrest, while inaction erodes credibility. The SMDA, once symbolic, now tests the nuclear state's resolve in a tinderbox region.

Agencies

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ISRO's ₹1,500 Crore Venus Probe Signals Bold Push Into Private Space Partnerships

India is set to allocate ₹1,500 crore for its ambitious first Venus mission, named Shukrayaan-1 often referred to as a "Shukra Graha", aimed at probing the planet's atmosphere and its historical influence on Earth over millennia.

Dr Nilesh Desai, Director of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) in Ahmedabad, shared these details during an interaction with a delegation of media personnel from Jammu and Kashmir on 6 March.

The funding, earmarked by the Ministry of Atomic Energy and Space Research, underscores the government's commitment to planetary exploration. ISRO teams have already commenced preliminary work on the mission.

Some Members of Parliament raised concerns over the substantial outlay, citing Venus's hostile environment dominated by gases such as helium and carbon dioxide. Government officials countered that understanding Venus's impact on Earth and studying the planet is essential.

Dr Desai highlighted Venus's unique characteristics: it rotates far more slowly than Earth, with one day there equivalent to 243 Earth days. Its atmosphere features thick clouds of carbon dioxide and sulphuric acid, posing significant challenges for study.

Turning to ISRO's broader funding landscape, Dr Desai noted that the space research budget, previously just 1.5% of India's total national expenditure, has risen to 2.5% under the Modi administration, reflecting heightened recognition of its strategic value.

He compared this to leading spacefaring nations like the US, China, and Japan, which devote larger shares of their budgets to such endeavours. India prioritises defence, education, and agriculture, yet Dr Desai urged elevating space allocation to 5-7%, or even 10%, to remain competitive.

ISRO operates from 23 centres nationwide, with key hubs including the Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre in Ahmedabad, facilities in Bengaluru, Thiruvananthapuram, and Sriharikota. The agency is presently engaged in 230 projects spanning the globe.

Collaborations extend to international partners, notably NASA on select initiatives, alongside engagements with other countries, amplifying India's role in global space research.

Dr Desai also discussed the forthcoming Mars mission, emphasising that landing on the Red Planet is simpler than on the Moon due to Mars's relatively flat terrain, in contrast to the Moon's vast craters.

He recounted challenges from Chandrayaan-2 and Chandrayaan-3, particularly the Vikram lander's touchdown at the lunar south pole amid temperatures plummeting to nearly -200°C, which temporarily disabled several instruments. Engineers exerted considerable effort to restore functionality.

The Mars venture, an unmanned endeavour targeting the solar system's second-smallest planet—known for its iron oxide-rich surface—will dispatch an orbiter, lander, and rover. The journey from Earth will span at least ten months, with scientists already advancing preparations.

In a pivotal policy shift, the Modi government is emulating the US model by integrating private sector players into space research. New space regulations have been established, and a dedicated Space Regulatory Authority is in formation.

Public funds will strategically support this expansion, broadening the horizons of Indian space endeavours and fostering innovation through public-private synergy.

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India’s Strategic Pivot: Chasing A ₹50,000 Crore Defence Export Milestone

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has announced that India's defence exports are on a trajectory to reach approximately ₹29,000 Crores by April 2026. Speaking at the "Sagar Sankalp" maritime dialogue in Kolkata, the Minister highlighted a significant surge in domestic production, which has already surpassed a record ₹1.50 lakh Crores in the current financial year.

This growth is part of a broader strategic roadmap aiming for export figures to hit ₹50,000 Crores by the 2029-2030 period.

The Minister emphasised that self-reliance, or Atmanirbharta, is no longer merely a conceptual slogan but a practical necessity in an era of global volatility. He pointed to the shifting geopolitical landscape in the Middle East and the vulnerabilities of the Strait of Hormuz as primary examples of why India must secure its own supply chains. This "abnormality" in global trade and energy security has become the new normal, necessitating a domestic industrial base that is both resilient and technologically advanced.

A pivotal shift in the nation’s manufacturing philosophy is the increasing role of the private sector. Currently, private enterprises contribute about 25 per cent of the country's defence platforms and equipment.

The government intends to see this figure double, aiming for the private sector to command a 50 per cent share of total production value in the coming years. This is being facilitated by opening DRDO labs to private firms and establishing dedicated defence corridors.

The shipbuilding sector was singled out as a primary engine of this transformation. All warships and submarines currently on order for the Indian Navy are being constructed within Indian shipyards.

The Minister described the transition from a "Buyer’s Navy" to a "Builder’s Navy" as a definitive reality. Shipyards like Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers (GRSE) are being evolved into technology hubs rather than just assembly lines, utilising digital design tools and modular construction.

Furthermore, the government has laid out a long-term vision under the Maritime Amrit Kaal 2047, which includes planned investments of approximately ₹3 lakh Crores. The objective is to position India among the top ten shipbuilding nations by 2030 and within the top five by 2047.

This includes the development of world-class shipbuilding clusters and the integration of MSMEs and start-ups into the broader "conglomerate effect" of naval production.

The Minister asserted that India's maritime safety and economic prosperity are intrinsically linked to coordinated technological adoption.

By fostering a synergy between Defence Public Sector Undertakings (DPSUs) and indigenous vendors, India aims to not only safeguard its own interests but also become a key contributor to global maritime stability.

The ongoing reforms in FDI norms and the promotion of Public-Private Partnerships remain the cornerstones of this industrial expansion.

ANI

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EAM Jaishankar Defends Kochi Docking of Stricken Iranian Warship As Humanitarian Imperative Amid Ocean Tensions

India's External Affairs Minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, has defended the decision to permit an Iranian naval vessel to dock at Kochi port, describing it as a humane gesture amid escalating tensions in the Indian Ocean.

Speaking at the Raisina Dialogue 2026 in New Delhi on 7 March 2026, Jaishankar clarified that the move prioritised humanitarian considerations over geopolitical frictions.

The vessel in question, IRIS Lavan, had participated in the International Fleet Review and the multinational naval exercise MILAN 2026.

It encountered technical difficulties while operating in the region, prompting Iran to request permission for it to enter Indian waters. New Delhi approved the docking on 1 March, allowing the ship to berth at Kochi after a few days' sail.

Aboard IRIS Lavan were 183 crew members, including young cadets. They have since disembarked and are accommodated at nearby naval facilities in Kochi. Jaishankar recounted receiving the distress message around 28 February, emphasising the ship's proximity to Indian waters at the time.

The minister highlighted the rapidly changing security landscape. When the Iranian ships departed for the fleet review, the regional situation was markedly different. IRIS Lavan found itself 'caught on the wrong side of events', compounded by its mechanical issues.

Jaishankar contrasted India's response with incidents involving other Iranian vessels. One sought refuge in Sri Lanka, which granted it; another, IRIS Dena, tragically did not survive. Reports indicate IRIS Dena was sunk by the United States in international waters south of Sri Lanka.

Following a distress call from IRIS Dena to Colombo's Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre, the Indian Navy swiftly intervened. It deployed a long-range maritime patrol aircraft to aid Sri Lanka-led search and rescue operations, underscoring India's commitment to maritime safety.

Jaishankar dismissed social media debates surrounding the docking, urging a grasp of Indian Ocean realities. He pointed to longstanding foreign military presences, such as the US base at Diego Garcia for five decades, forces in Djibouti since the early 2000s, and China's Hambantota facility.

The Indian Ocean, he noted, functions as an interconnected ecosystem undergoing recovery and rebuilding. Trade patterns, connectivity, and regional restoration demand collective effort. India has invested heavily in diplomacy over the past decade to support this process.

Building an 'Indian Ocean sentiment or identity' requires tangible resources, commitments, and projects, Jaishankar asserted. He remarked on the ocean's unique naming after a country—India—positioned at its centre. India's growth promises benefits for regional partners who collaborate closely.

The minister stressed that India's rise hinges on its own strengths, not others' missteps. Amid these dynamics, he drew attention to vulnerabilities in merchant shipping, where Indians form a substantial portion of global crews.

Attacks on cargo vessels frequently involve Indian seafarers, with recent fatalities highlighting the risks. Jaishankar called for greater national recognition of merchant mariners' interests and enhanced safeguards.

India's policy calculus also factors in the well-being of 9-10 million nationals in the Gulf. Economic and energy concerns interplay with these human elements, shaping a balanced approach to regional crises.

Agencies

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Ukraine Gears Up Prepayments For Gripen And Rafale Fighters Amid Swift Delivery Talks

Ukraine is advancing its military aviation capabilities amid ongoing conflict, with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announcing preparations for prepayments on Saab Gripen and Dassault Rafale fighter jets. This development, reported by Ukrainian media on 5 March 2026, signals a potential shift towards bolstering Kyiv's air force with advanced Western platforms, according to a UNIAN report, .

Zelenskyy stated that Ukraine is readying advance payments 'from the Ukrainian side' for these aircraft, as covered by UNIAN. The comment underscores Kyiv's commitment to acquiring modern fighters, even as it grapples with funding constraints and battlefield pressures.

Neither Sweden nor France has officially confirmed the prepayment details. However, prior public discussions on both Gripen and Rafale deals lend credibility to Zelenskyy's remarks, suggesting negotiations are progressing behind the scenes.

France and Ukraine formalised their intentions in November 2025 through a letter of intent for up to 100 Rafale jets. Presented as a political commitment rather than a binding contract, the agreement also encompasses air defence systems, munitions, and drones, reflecting a comprehensive support package.

On the Swedish front, talks have centred on a long-term acquisition of up to 150 Gripen E/F variants, alongside an interim option involving older Gripen C/D models. Sweden's 2024 aid package notably included Gripen-related spare parts, preserving the pathway for a potential transfer of C/D aircraft.

Zelenskyy highlighted a swift timeline, indicating that some Gripens could arrive before the end of 2026. This accelerated schedule aligns more closely with deliveries of refurbished Gripen C/D jets, given production timelines for new-build E/F models.

Sweden is methodically phasing out its Gripen C/D fleet in favour of the enhanced E/F version. Discussions on transferring surplus C/D aircraft to Ukraine have circulated for months, though efforts were temporarily sidelined to prioritise F-16 integration into Kyiv's forces.

The prepayment move comes as Ukraine seeks to diversify its fighter inventory beyond pledged F-16s from Denmark, the Netherlands, and others. Gripens and Rafales offer distinct advantages: the Gripen's agility and short-field performance suit dispersed operations, while the Rafale provides multirole versatility with proven combat credentials.

Financially, advance payments could unlock swift deliveries, but they strain Ukraine's war chest reliant on Western aid. Zelenskyy's proactive stance may pressure allies for matching funding, echoing patterns seen in artillery and ATACMS procurements.

Geopolitically, Sweden's involvement marks its deepening NATO-aligned commitment post-accession, while France balances support for Kyiv with export ambitions. Both nations stand to gain industrially, with potential offsets in maintenance and training contracts.

Challenges persist, including pilot training, infrastructure upgrades, and integration with existing systems. Ukraine's nascent F-16 operations highlight these hurdles, yet Gripen's simpler logistics—drawing from Saab's modular design—could ease the transition.

Rafale integration promises robust sensor fusion and beyond-visual-range capabilities, complementing Ukraine's evolving air defence network. Prepayments signal confidence in overcoming these obstacles through multinational backing.

As of March 2026, no firm contracts have materialised, but Zelenskyy's disclosure propels the narrative forward. It positions Ukraine as a determined buyer, potentially catalysing decisions in Stockholm and Paris ahead of NATO summits.

This aviation push integrates into broader Western pledges, including recent US approvals for long-range strikes. For Ukraine, securing Gripens and Rafales could tilt air superiority dynamics, enabling deeper strikes and enhanced territorial control.

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Rapper-Rebel Balen Crushes Nepal Veteran Communist Leader K P Sharma Oli In Poll Tsunami

In a stunning political earthquake, Rashtriya Swatantrata Party (RSP) leader Balendra Shah, popularly known as 'Balen', has decisively defeated Nepal's four-time Prime Minister K P Sharma Oli in the Jhapa-5 constituency.

The Election Commission confirmed Balen's victory by a massive margin of approximately 50,000 votes, marking one of the most significant upsets in Nepal's recent electoral history.

Balen, a 35-year-old former rapper and ex-Mayor of Kathmandu, secured 68,348 votes against Oli's mere 18,734. This triumph catapults the youthful politician, who is RSP's prime ministerial candidate, into the national spotlight as a symbol of generational revolt.

The vote count reflects broader momentum for RSP, which had clinched 62 seats out of 78 declared results by 6 pm, while leading in an additional 60 constituencies. This surge positions the party as a frontrunner in Nepal's 275-member House of Representatives.

Oli, aged 74 and the veteran leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) or CPN-UML, had been projected as his party's prime ministerial hopeful. His crushing defeat in Jhapa-5, a traditional UML stronghold, underscores voter disillusionment with established figures amid persistent economic woes and governance failures.

Nepal's general elections, held on Thursday, represent the first nationwide poll since last year's explosive Gen Z-led protests. Those street demonstrations, often violent, demanded radical change: an end to entrenched corruption, nepotism, and the dominance of ageing politicians who have long monopolised power.

The protests, fuelled by social media and youth frustration over unemployment, inflation, and cronyism, toppled the previous coalition government and forced fresh elections. Balen's rise embodies this 'generational change' mantra, resonating with voters weary of the same faces recycling through Kathmandu's power corridors.

As Kathmandu's Mayor from 2022 to 2025, Balen gained fame for his no-nonsense approach to urban governance, tackling potholes, waste management, and traffic chaos with viral social media updates and direct action. His background as a rapper—known for hip-hop tracks critiquing corruption—lent him street credibility that translated seamlessly into national politics.

RSP, founded in 2022 amid anti-establishment fervour, positions itself as an outsider force advocating transparency, youth empowerment, and decentralised governance. Balen's campaign emphasised anti-corruption pledges, job creation for the under-30 demographic (Nepal's largest voting bloc), and leveraging technology for efficient administration.

In contrast, Oli's CPN-UML campaigned on stability and pro-China infrastructure ties, but struggled against accusations of power hunger. Oli himself has served four stints as Prime Minister since 2015, often amid coalition intrigue and constitutional tussles that alienated moderates.

Early trends suggest RSP could secure over 100 seats, potentially forcing coalitions with centrist or ethnic parties. This would disrupt the bipolar UML-Maoist dominance that has defined Nepali politics since the 2008 monarchy's end.

For India, Nepal's southern neighbour, Balen's ascent carries strategic weight. Kathmandu's volatile politics influence border security, trade via Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and hydropower deals critical for energy-starved northern India. RSP's neutral, youth-centric platform may stabilise ties, contrasting Oli's occasional pro-Beijing tilts that irked New Delhi.

Regionally, the result echoes youth-driven shifts elsewhere in South Asia, from Pakistan's PTI surges to Bangladesh's student protests. In landlocked Nepal, where remittances fund half the economy, Balen's focus on digital skills and overseas job protections could reshape migration patterns.

As results trickle in from remote Himalayan districts, all eyes remain on whether RSP can convert leads into a governing majority. Balen's victory speech hailed it as 'the people's mandate against dynasty politics', vowing a 'corruption-free Nepal 2.0'.

Yet challenges loom: coalition-building in fragmented polls, managing ethnic demands from Madhesi and Janajati groups, and delivering on ambitious reforms amid fiscal constraints. For now, the rapper-turned-rebel has rewritten Nepal's script.

PTI

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