Armenia Eyes Indian Astra Missiles For Su-30SM Fleet To Counter Regional Air Threats

Armenia has initiated advanced negotiations with India to integrate the Astra beyond-visual-range (BVR) air-to-air missile system onto its Su-30SM fighter jets. This development underscores a burgeoning defence partnership between Yerevan and New Delhi.

The talks gained momentum during Indian Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan's official visit to Armenia in early February 2026.

Defence sources confirm that the focus centres on equipping Armenia's modest fleet of four Su-30SM aircraft with India's indigenous Astra missiles.

Developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), the Astra family has emerged as a cornerstone for the Indian Air Force (IAF). The MK-1 variant achieved operational deployment during the border tensions of May 2025, validating its integration on frontline platforms despite no live firings.

DRDO is presently enhancing the Astra MK-1's performance. Its engagement envelope will expand from 110 kilometres to roughly 160 kilometres, with trials slated for later in 2026. Armenia could receive this upgraded configuration if negotiations conclude promptly.

India's Astra roadmap advances further with the MK-2 variant, destined for the IAF's Su-30MKI fleet. This iteration promises a range exceeding 220 kilometres, rivalling elite global BVR munitions like the MBDA Meteor.

Technically, integration poses few hurdles. Armenia's Su-30SM derives from the same lineage as India's Su-30MKI, sharing fire-control systems and sensor architectures. Minor adaptations to radar and avionics would suffice.

Such an upgrade mirrors India's "Super 30" enhancements, incorporating advanced radars like the Uttam AESA to maximise missile efficacy. For Armenia, this bolsters a fleet constrained by numbers but poised for qualitative leaps.

Yerevan confronts persistent regional threats, notably from Azerbaijan. Its air force lacks potent BVR options, relying on shorter-range R-73 and R-77 missiles. Astra integration addresses this asymmetry decisively.

The 160-kilometre Astra MK-1 would enable Armenia's Su-30SMs to engage high-value targets—such as enemy fighters or AWACS—at standoff distances. This extends detection-to-kill chains, enhancing survivability in contested airspace.

Procuring from India offers pragmatism. Unlike Western suppliers imposing sanctions risks or lengthy certifications, Astra provides proven, export-ready technology at competitive costs. Delivery timelines align with Armenia's urgent needs.

For India, this marks a milestone in its exporter evolution. From DRDO's testing ranges to South Caucasus cockpits, Astra validates indigenous prowess in guidance, propulsion, and seeker tech—active radar homing with mid-course updates via data link.

The missile's smokeless solid-fuel rocket motor ensures low observability. Its high manoeuvrability, via thrust-vectoring controls, counters evasive manoeuvres. These attributes have impressed international observers during IAF exercises.

Armenia's interest aligns with broader diversification. Post-2020 Nagorno-Karabakh losses exposed reliance on Russian systems. India, unencumbered by such geopolitics, emerges as a reliable partner amid Moscow's distractions.

Strategic ripples extend regionally. A bolstered Armenian air force could deter adventurism, stabilising the Caucasus. For India, it burnishes credentials in non-aligned markets, countering China's arms diplomacy.

The deal leverages India's Atmanirbhar Bharat push. Astra production scales via Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL), with private offsets possible. Export variants maintain core tech while complying with MTCR norms.

Integration logistics are straightforward. Shared Su-30 heritage means software ports from IAF Su-30MKI trials apply directly. Ground simulations and live trials could certify readiness within 12-18 months.

Armenia may pursue avionics upgrades concurrently—perhaps EL/M-2052 radars or Indian-derived mission computers. This "Super Sukhoi" package amplifies network-centric warfare, fusing data from ground stations and satellites.

IAF operational feedback informs exports. Astra MK-1's 2025 deployment confirmed reliability in high-altitude, electronic-warfare environments—relevant for Armenia's terrain.

Globally, Astra challenges duopolies. Its cost-effectiveness (under $1 million per unit) undercuts R-77-1 or AIM-120D pricing, appealing to budget-conscious operators. India's track record grows: Akash SAM exports to Armenia, Pinaka rockets eyed elsewhere. Astra's export debut signals maturity, with MK-2 trials accelerating under IAF urgency.

Should the pact materialise, Armenia gains a force multiplier. Four Su-30SMs with long-arm BVRs patrol effectively, patrolling borders with renewed deterrence.

This Yerevan-New Delhi axis reflects multipolar shifts. India projects soft power through hardware, fostering ties sans strings. The Caucasus skies may soon echo Astra's whistle.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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India’s submarine Deep Dive: Project-75I’s German-Led, Domestically Built Fleet To Reshape Indo-Pacific Undersea Balance

India’s Project-75I represents a watershed in naval modernisation, positioning the country to restore and extend its undersea deterrence after decades of evolving strategic pressure from its neighbours and shifting great-power dynamics.

The program's core aim is to induct six next-generation conventional submarines equipped with air-independent propulsion (AIP), enabling far greater submerged endurance and stealth compared with earlier diesel-electric designs.

This leap in capability sits at the intersection of historical lessons, present-day regional crises, and long-term ambitions for indigenisation and strategic signalling.

The selection of the German Type-214NG submarine over Spain’s S-80 Plus was driven primarily by the maturity of the fuel-cell-based AIP system, acoustic stealth, and lower lifecycle risk. The Type-214NG’s AIP allows submarines to remain submerged for extended periods, reducing the need to surface for recharging.

In practice, endurance and stealth tend to determine success in contested waters, where detection risk governs operational feasibility. Industry sources emphasise that reliability and survivability often outweigh novelty in undersea warfare, and the decision reflects this practical calculus.

Indigenous content remains a central objective of Project-75I. The plan envisions six submarines built in India at Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL), with ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems providing design authority, engineering expertise, and technical consultancy.

Indigenous content is expected to start at around 45 per cent and rise to nearly 60 per cent by the final vessel. This approach aligns with Make in India goals and aims to create a domestic submarine-building ecosystem capable of sustaining and upgrading capabilities over time.

The project is also viewed as a technology transfer and capability absorption exercise as much as a procurement programs. The government has repeatedly asserted that Project-75I is about acquiring platforms and, crucially, about absorbing complex submarine design and construction technologies.

The strategic intent is to nurture a home-grown industrial base that can support future indigenous designs and follow-on projects, thereby reducing vulnerability to supply disruptions and foreign policy shifts.

The political and strategic context amplifies the program’s urgency. India’s conventional submarine fleet has aged, even as adversary undersea activity in the Indian Ocean region — notably from China and Pakistan — has grown.

The Type-214NG submarines are designed to complement India’s expanding maritime posture, providing a survivable, persistent undersea capability to monitor choke-points, track opposing submarines, and execute sea-denial operations when required. These capabilities form a critical layer in a broader deterrence architecture that seeks to deter aggression and reinforce maritime trade security.

In Pakistan, the emphasis on undersea power gains renewed relevance against a backdrop of historical lessons from the 1971 war, when Indian naval operations crippled Karachi’s maritime logistics and fuel supply chains.

Those events underscored how naval dominance can shape land campaigns by constraining a rival’s access to essential resources. Today, the logic remains relevant as Pakistan seeks to upgrade its own submarine force with Chinese assistance, while attempting to limit Indian strategic advantages in the maritime domain.

Ties between undersea capability and regional tensions intensified after tensions with Pakistan flared in 2025, revealing the deterrent value of credible naval power. Karachi, a focal point of Pakistan’s maritime trade and energy imports, represents a prime target for demonstrating the credibility of India’s sea-denial capabilities.

By equipping six submarines with extended underwater endurance, India aims to sharpen this deterrent and expand its range of strategic options without necessarily resorting to open conflict.

China’s expanding undersea footprint adds another layer of complexity. The People’s Liberation Army Navy operates a growing submarine fleet, including nuclear-powered platforms that have ventured into the Indian Ocean.

Tibetan deployments and port calls by Chinese submarines, coupled with Pakistan’s own submarine upgrades aided by Chinese assistance, contribute to a more intricate and contested maritime environment.

Against this backdrop, the introduction of German-origin submarines designed for stealth and endurance represents a meaningful counterbalance to China’s expanding underwater reach and a hedge against strategic imbalances in the region.

Germany’s role in this shift is notable not just for the submarine technology but for broader strategic and industrial collaboration. Chancellor Merz’s visit to India occurred within a framework of expanding Indo-German cooperation and broader alignment on security in the Indo-Pacific.

The potential for a long-term industrial relationship extends beyond submarine procurement, touching on defence innovation, technology transfer, and prospective co-development initiatives with implications for European and Indian defence ecosystems.

The procurement process has been gradual and strategic. Negotiations began in earnest in September 2025, with final techno-commercial negotiations framed to conclude within a few months, subject to political and bureaucratic approvals.

While initial plans to extend the French-origin Scorpene-class submarines were put on hold in favour of Project-75I, France’s broader strategic partnership with India remains active. The German option thus stands at the forefront of India’s ambition to diversify its defence suppliers and reduce reliance on traditional partners.

From an industrial perspective, Project-75I is expected to serve as a bridge toward more ambitious indigenous submarine design efforts, with a projected indigenisation target of around 60 per cent by the final boat.

This trajectory supports MDL’s growth as a centre of excellence in submarine construction and positions India to pursue further domestic design and manufacturing capabilities. The program’s success would lay the groundwork for follow-on projects, potentially including totally indigenous designs under a future P-76 framework.

In the long term, the six Type-214NG submarines will significantly enhance India’s capacity for covert surveillance, sea denial, and precision land–attack considerations, supported by advanced sensors, torpedoes, and missiles.

The project’s success would not only bolster maritime deterrence but also catalyse a broader industrial and technological ecosystem within India, reinforcing the government’s stated aim of strategic autonomy in defence capabilities.

Project-75I embodies a synthesis of deterrence theory and industrial strategy. It seeks to restore naval parity in the undersea domain, adapt to a more volatile security environment, and build a robust domestic supply chain capable of sustaining highly complex weapon systems.

The initiative, if concluded on schedule, would mark a pivotal step in India’s ongoing project of credible, domestically supported maritime power.

Based On TOI Report

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HAL Excluded From AMCA Race: India Signals Break With Tradition To Accelerate Stealth Fighter Program

The decision to shortlist TATA Advanced Systems, Larsen & Toubro, and Bharat Forge for India’s fifth‑generation fighter program marks a watershed moment in the country’s military aviation landscape.

For decades, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) has been the linchpin of indigenous fighter development, stitching together designs, production, and sustainment under a single, dominant umbrella.

Its exclusion from the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) program is therefore not merely procedural but symbolic, signalling a fundamental re‑examination of how India organises, assigns, and executes its most strategically sensitive defence projects.

In practical terms, the AMCA’s progression into the next development phase has moved away from the Strategic Partnership model that sought to preserve HAL’s centrality while inviting private collaborators to share execution responsibilities.

The government’s pivot reflects an intent to distribute risk more broadly, inject competitive discipline, and demand stricter accountability from industry partners. The shortlisted firms will vie for the role of sole Industry Partner to the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) and the program’s technical custodian, a shift that transforms a subcontracting relationship into a core, end‑to‑end collaboration.

The winner will not merely assemble or supply components; it will co‑develop five flying prototypes, deliver a dedicated production ecosystem, and shepherd the AMCA through flight testing and certification within a tightly defined eight‑year window.

The financial dimensions of the prototype phase underscore the scale of ambition. An estimated ₹15,000 crore is earmarked for the prototyping stage alone, a figure that signals not only substantial investment but also the appetite for rapid, large‑scale learning and iteration.

If the program proceeds as envisaged, orders could extend to at least 120 aircraft, with production and lifecycle support spanning two decades. Such numbers create a credible argument for diversifying India’s air‑craft production base, reducing the single‑point failure risk that has long hobbled the fleet’s resilience.

A parallel production line for frontline fighters has long been discussed as a strategic necessity, but it has rarely materialised in practice. HAL’s dominance has, in part, been a consequence of its ability to scale across multiple programs, from the TEJAS to upgrade and sustainment tasks.

The AMCA decision, by introducing a private, competition‑driven pathway, injects redundancy and surge capacity into the system, qualities that are particularly vital in times of regional tension or global supply chain stress.

The prospect of parallel development streams has potential to stabilise squadron strength, reduce bottlenecks, and provide a faster route to fielding new capabilities than a single, bottlenecked program.

From HAL’s perspective, the decision is more than a change in project ownership; it is a call to re‑balance capacity and focus. HAL remains deeply engaged in other high‑priority commitments, including the production ramp for the TEJAS MK-1A, groundwork for the TEJAS MK-2, and the Prachand attack helicopter program, along with ongoing upgrades and support for legacy fleets. 

Channelling more resources into the AMCA could free HAL from overextension on a flagship project, enabling sharper focus on these existing obligations and potentially reducing delays across the broader portfolio. The trade‑off is clear: HAL will have to recalibrate its role, accepting a reduced centrality in a program that previously defined its strategic footprint while still maintaining critical involvement where appropriate.

The shift also resonates with a broader rethinking of India’s defence industrial policy. By placing the AMCA largely in private hands while ADA retains design authority, the government appears to be testing whether competition and accountability can outpace continuity and familiarity in delivering advanced capabilities.

The aim is not anti‑privatisation per se but a deliberate departure from a closed loop that historically shielded responsibility when projects slipped. If private partners succeed, the new model could deliver faster development timelines, clearer accountability, and a more transparent governance framework for large‑scale defence projects.

Of course, this approach is not without notable risks. None of the shortlisted firms has built an end‑to‑end stealth fighter before, and the transition from components and subsystems to full platform integration represents a steep and unforgiving climb.

Stealth aviation compounds the challenge: alignment of sensors, avionics, airframe, propulsion, and signature management requires seamless coordination across multiple engineering disciplines and tight interoperability standards. If execution falters, India faces the prospect of further delays in acquiring a vital capability, with limited fall-back options and potential knock‑on effects for related programs.

Yet the decision marks a clear judgment about the future trajectory of Indian defence manufacturing. It signals a willingness to test a more networked, market‑driven model in which multiple players can contribute to, and de‑risk, the development and production of critical platforms.

In a regional security environment where China operates stealth fighters and Pakistan explores compatible capabilities, the pressure to move decisively has grown. Delays are increasingly costly, and the cost of inaction could be measured not just in years of lag but in strategic opportunity foregone.

The AMCA decision marks the end of an era in which indigenous fighters were synonymous with HAL. The government’s approach recognises that speed, accountability, and scalable capacity may now supersede tradition and incumbency as the determinants of national defence readiness.

If the private partners deliver as promised, India stands to gain not only a new front‑line fighter but a more resilient and versatile defence industrial base. If the program encounters headwinds, there will be lessons that could reshape governance, risk management, and industrial policy for future flagship endeavours.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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India-US Defence Pact Momentum: P-8I Expansion And Engine Collaboration Set To Accelerate TEJAS MK-2 & AMCA Program

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), India’s apex procurement body, is set to consider the long-pending acquisition of six additional P-8I maritime patrol aircraft in the third week of February.

This proposal, first cleared by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh in 2019 under the US Foreign Military Sales route, has awaited finalisation despite US State Department approval in May 2021 for a $2.42 billion deal.

The Indian Navy, already operating 12 P-8Is, seeks these Boeing-manufactured platforms to enhance anti-submarine warfare, maritime surveillance, and reconnaissance amid rising Indo-Pacific tensions.

These moves follow thawing India-US ties post-trade deal progress, prioritising maritime and airpower upgrades. The P-8I addition would extend operational range and endurance, while engine localisation bolsters indigenous manufacturing under 'Make in India'. Expect contract signing in the new fiscal year, pending DAC nod and cost negotiations.

While political tensions between the two countries intermittently slowed progress, the technical and strategic rationale for the purchase has endured. Officials emphasise that the aircraft tranche would enhance sustained maritime surveillance, extend-range detection, and reinforce command and control in the face of evolving regional security dynamics, including piracy, illicit trafficking, and strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific.

The deal’s revival reflects a broader desire to streamline and speed up acquisitions through established channels, even as the economic backdrop shifts. Diplomats and defence officials have noted that the existing framework of the FMS process, while sometimes cumbersome, remains a reliable mechanism for co-ordinating bilateral purchases, intelligence sharing, and maintenance support.

In the present context, the timing also aligns with India’s broader goal of diversifying its military hardware base while maintaining interoperability with partners like the United States.

Parallel to the P-8I procurement, there is progress on a separate but related strategic endeavour: the joint production of the GE F414-INS6 engine in India. This engine is designated to power the TEJAS MK-2 and, crucially, the first tranche of India’s planned Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA).

The proposed arrangement envisages 80% technology transfer, a degree of localisation that could significantly bolster India’s aeronautical manufacturing capabilities and reduce dependency on foreign supply chains for critical aviation components.

Yet, it is important to parse the nature of the technology transfer involved. Industry insiders stress that the transfer pertains to production technology rather than design and development, implying that India would gain substantial manufacturing competencies while the core design work remains a collaborative domain with partners.

For the more sophisticated second tranche of the AMCA, India intends to collaborate with the French firm Safran to design, develop, and produce a new 120-kilonewton thrust engine, which would mark a significant technological leap and diversify propulsion sources for India’s next-generation fighters.

The TEJAS MK-2 program itself is described as an advanced 4.5-generation single-engine multirole combat aircraft, developed by the Aeronautical Development Agency and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited. It is planned to supersede the Mirage-2000, Jaguar, and MiG-29 fleets, with production projected to begin in 2031–32.

The TEJAS MK-2 is expected to feature a longer fuselage and close-coupled canards to improve manoeuvrability, along with the more potent GE F414-INS6 engine delivering approximately 98 kN of thrust.

These capabilities are intended to yield enhanced performance across air-to-air and air-to-surface missions, contributing to India’s air power calculus as it modernises its fighter fleet. Despite the promise, the program has faced previous design and certification challenges, and current timelines will hinge on successful certification, supply chain resilience, and the readiness of both HAL and its domestic partners to scale up production.

Together, these two strands illustrate India’s dual track strategy: augmenting its maritime domain awareness and operational reach through continued collaboration with an experienced ally, while simultaneously building indigenous propulsion and design capabilities through selective international partnerships.

For the United States, the P-8I expansion reinforces a durable bilateral security relationship, while the engine co-development and transfer arrangements create a framework for deeper industrial cooperation and technology exchange.

The timing of these developments comes at a moment when tariff discussions and broader trade arrangements between India and the US are gaining traction, potentially creating a more conducive environment for closing long-standing defence files.

The overall strategic logic rests on a mix of immediate capability gains, long-term industrial partnerships, and the political signalling of a more closely aligned strategic posture between the two democracies in the Indo-Pacific.

It remains to be seen how negotiations will balance price, delivery schedules, and risk management for both sides. For India, persuading Parliament and industry stakeholders that the cost and time-to-deliver are acceptable will be essential, particularly given previous hesitations about price sensitivity and lifecycle costs.

For the US, maintaining a clear line on technology transfer thresholds, intellectual property protections, and the integrity of export controls will be critical to sustaining confidence among domestic contractors and industry partners.

In the broader regional context, these deals could influence neighbouring defence markets and procurement strategies, as other regional players observe whether such partnerships translate into faster access to modern capabilities and better reliability of supply.

If the agreements move forward smoothly, they could foster greater interoperability across allied forces operating in the Indo-Pacific, including joint exercises, integrated maintenance regimes, and shared training pipelines that would benefit both nations’ long-term strategic objectives.

Agencies

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Oman Orders 'Made In India' Training Vessel From Gujarat Shipyard Swan Defence

Swan Defence And Heavy Industries Limited (SDHI), India's largest shipyard located in Gujarat, has secured a landmark defence export order from the Government of the Sultanate of Oman.

The contract involves the construction and delivery of a state-of-the-art training ship for the Royal Navy of Oman (RNO), underscoring India's rising prowess in indigenous shipbuilding.

The vessel measures 104.25 metres in length, with a beam of 13.88 metres and a displacement of up to 3,500 tons. Designed to support advanced naval training and maritime operations, it will be delivered within 18 months from the contract date.

This timeline reflects SDHI's commitment to efficient execution amid growing global demand for Indian-built warships.

A key feature of the 'Made in India' ship is its advanced navigation system paired with a sophisticated communications suite. It also boasts helicopter operation capabilities, enhancing its versatility for RNO's operational needs. These specifications position the vessel as a modern platform for comprehensive maritime training.

Onboard facilities include modern classrooms, training offices, and comfortable accommodation for up to 70 officer cadets. An integrated auditorium will provide a world-class learning environment at sea, fostering hands-on skill development. Such amenities highlight the ship's role in nurturing future naval leaders.

This deal bolsters the longstanding bilateral ties and maritime cooperation between India and Oman. It aligns with India's Amrit Kaal Vision, promoting the nation as a global exporter of high-quality, indigenously developed vessels. The order signals increasing international trust in Indian defence manufacturing capabilities.

Rear Admiral V.K. Saxena (Retd), CEO of SDHI, described the contract as a testament to the company's advanced technical expertise and world-class shipbuilding standards. He emphasised that gaining the Royal Navy of Oman's confidence reinforces SDHI's dedication to innovation, reliability, and performance. This achievement drives the firm to sustain excellence in future projects.

SDHI's Gujarat shipyard, accounting for 30 per cent of India's shipbuilding capacity, benefits from this high-profile export. The facility's aerial views showcase its expansive infrastructure tailored for heavy engineering and defence projects. Such capabilities have positioned SDHI as a key player in both domestic and international markets.

The announcement, made public around 5 February 2026, has drawn attention to SDHI's stock performance, with shares rising post-news. It reflects broader trends in India's defence exports, supported by Ministry of Defence initiatives. This Oman contract exemplifies the success of 'Make in India' in the maritime sector.

For Oman, the training ship enhances RNO's operational readiness and officer development programmes. The partnership could pave the way for further collaborations in naval technology and joint exercises. It strengthens strategic maritime links in the Indian Ocean region.

SDHI's triumph marks a pivotal moment for Indian shipbuilding on the global stage. As delivery approaches within 18 months, anticipation builds for the vessel's commissioning. This export not only boosts revenue but also elevates India's profile as a reliable defence partner.

Based On PTI Report

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Ashok Leyland Partners With Indonesia's PT Pindad To Pioneer Electric Buses & Defence Vehicles

Ashok Leyland, the flagship commercial vehicle arm of India's Hinduja Group, has forged a strategic alliance with Indonesia's state-owned PT Pindad.

The partnership was cemented through a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed at Pindad's headquarters in Bandung on Tuesday, 3 February 2026, as per a PTI Report.

This collaboration centres on the joint development and production of electric buses tailored for public mobility and defence vehicles designed to meet Indonesia's national security needs. It combines Ashok Leyland's expertise in electric commercial platforms with Pindad's robust engineering and local manufacturing capabilities.

Amandeep Singh, President of International Operations, Defence, Light Commercial Vehicles, and Power Solutions at Ashok Leyland, highlighted the synergy.

He noted the company's longstanding reputation for reliable mobility solutions worldwide, bolstered by its subsidiary Switch Mobility's portfolio of globally appealing electric buses.

The MoU emphasises customisation to Indonesia's unique challenges, including diverse terrain, infrastructure constraints, and operational demands. Products will be engineered specifically for these conditions, ensuring optimal performance in both civilian and military applications.

This initiative aligns seamlessly with Indonesia's national priorities. The country is pushing for sustainable transport systems through electrification and seeks to bolster defence modernisation via locally produced, energy-efficient platforms.

PT Pindad, a key player in Indonesia's defence-industrial ecosystem, brings established competencies in weapons systems, armoured vehicles, and heavy engineering. Its infrastructure will support local assembly, reducing import dependency and fostering technology transfer.

Ashok Leyland's Switch Mobility has emerged as a leader in electric bus technology, with deployments across Europe, India, and the Middle East. Models like the Kei and EiV series offer advanced battery systems, rapid charging, and modular designs adaptable to tropical climates—ideal for Indonesia's archipelago geography.

In the defence domain, Ashok Leyland supplies logistics vehicles, troop carriers, and specialised platforms to the Indian armed forces. Its experience in rugged, multi-fuel and now electrified defence mobility will enhance Pindad's offerings for Indonesia's military.

The partnership could extend to co-developing hybrid-electric defence trucks and logistics convoys, addressing Indonesia's needs amid rising regional tensions in the South China Sea. Local production will create jobs and build indigenous skills in EV assembly and defence fabrication.

Sustainability is a core pillar, as electric buses will aid Indonesia's net-zero goals by 2060, curbing emissions from its ageing diesel fleet. Defence electrification aligns with global trends seen in platforms like the US Army's electric light reconnaissance vehicle.

Future phases might involve pilot deployments in Jakarta and Bandung, followed by full-scale production by 2028. Success could position this duo as a regional hub for Indo-Pacific defence mobility.

This MoU underscores India's growing defence export footprint, with Ashok Leyland joining peers like Tata and Mahindra in Southeast Asia. It exemplifies public-private synergy driving strategic autonomy.

Based On PTI Report

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Why DRDO's Propulsion Test With SFDR, Signalling Major Stride In Strategic Missile Capability

India’s DRDO conducted a recent test of the Solid Fuel Ducted Ramjet (SFDR) technology, marking a significant milestone in the country’s strategic propulsion capabilities and signalling a decisive step toward self-reliance in advanced missile systems.

The test took place at the Integrated Test Range in Chandipur off the coast of Odisha, and involved a carefully choreographed sequence where the missile was accelerated by a ground booster to a predetermined Mach number before the SFDR system ignited and assumed propulsion.

The Ministry of Defence confirmed that all subsystems performed to expectation, including the nozzle-less booster, the SFDR motor and the fuel flow controller. Data gathered from multiple tracking instruments along the Bay of Bengal coast provided robust validation of the system’s performance, offering a clear demonstration of the transition from booster propulsion to ramjet mode.

Observers noted the presence of senior scientists from DRDO laboratories who oversaw the mission, while Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and DRDO Chairman Samir V Kamat publicly praised the teams involved for their achievement.

This successful flight test positions India within a select club of nations that have demonstrated ramjet-powered propulsion, a category that includes major powers with established capabilities in high-speed air-to-air and surface-to-air weaponry.

The SFDR technology represents a departure from traditional solid rocket motors by enabling sustained high-speed flight without onboard oxidisers, since it draws atmospheric oxygen as the weapon travels. 

This design choice frees space and mass that would otherwise be dedicated to oxidisers, enabling the carriage of larger warheads or additional payloads and potentially increasing overall range and manoeuvrability.

In practical terms, ramjet propulsion sustains higher energy levels for longer periods, particularly in the terminal phase of flight where a weapon needs to intercept a fast, manoeuvrable target. For India’s air force, this translates into the possibility of engaging adversaries at greater stand-off distances and with improved intercept speeds, thereby widening the engagement envelope and complicating an opponent’s defensive measures.

The SFDR system’s ability to operate without a traditional rocket boost for the entire mission would also contribute to more compact weapon configurations and potentially lighter airframes. Such benefits could, in turn, influence aircraft designers to pursue longer-range, higher-energy missiles that maintain speed through air battles rather than relying solely on steep acceleration from lift-off.

From a strategic perspective, the test reinforces India’s aim to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers for critical defence technologies.

Demonstrating SFDR in flight highlights India’s capability to design, integrate and validate a complex propulsion system that functions reliably at supersonic speeds, a task that demands precision engineering, sophisticated materials science and demanding test regimes.

The achievement adds to a growing portfolio of DRDO-led milestones across laboratories such as DRDL, RCI and HEMRL, which have collaborated over several years to mature the SFDR concept since its early demonstrations in 2017.

While a single flight test does not equate to an operational weapon, the successful data validation and demonstration of propulsion transfer from a ground booster to ramjet mode provide credible indicators of the technology’s maturity and readiness for continued development.

Analysts note that ramjet-powered missiles offer advantages in range and speed, potentially enabling engagements at greater distances than current solid-propellant systems. Ramjet propulsion can deliver higher end-game energy, improving a weapon’s likelihood of intercept against high-speed, highly manoeuvrable targets.

The technology is expected to influence both future air-to-air platforms and, depending on future developments, surface-to-air applications. The broader implication is that India is moving closer to integrating ramjet-powered systems into its future missile arsenals, aligning with international peers who already operate such capabilities.

The successful SFDR demonstration also carries symbolic weight within India’s defence industrial ecosystem. Mastery of such propulsion systems strengthens domestic capabilities, reduces exposure to external supply chain risks, and reinforces the status of the country as a growing leader in defence technology.

It underscores the value of sustained, collaborative research and development across multiple DRDO laboratories, supported by the country’s defence planning and funding frameworks. Looking ahead, the path from demonstration to deployment will involve comprehensive evaluations of reliability, manufacturability at scale, and integration with airframes and guidance systems.

Further test campaigns are likely to focus on refining performance envelopes, validating reliability under varying environmental conditions, and assessing the system’s responsiveness to real-time battlefield demands.

If subsequent tests confirm robustness and consistency, SFDR-enabled missiles could inform next-generation air-to-air platforms, enabling longer-range engagements, improved protection against countermeasures and enhanced survivability for combat aircraft.

The SFDR test represents a meaningful advance in India’s defence propulsion landscape. It signals progress toward broader capability development, promotes self-reliance in critical technology, and strengthens the Indian Air Force’s potential to operate with greater reach and potency in future aerial combat scenarios.

The achievement resonates beyond technical circles, contributing to international perceptions of India as an increasingly capable and innovative defender, while inviting ongoing evaluation of the strategic implications for regional security dynamics.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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India And US Review Bilateral Cooperation In Washington, Emphasise Indo-Pacific, West Asia, And Critical Minerals Collaboration

The External Affairs Minister, Dr. S Jaishankar, participated in discussions in Washington that centred on a thorough review of bilateral cooperation between India and the United States, with particular emphasis on how both nations can advance their diplomatic and strategic agenda over the coming year. 

He described the conversations as a fair and detailed assessment of the bilateral relationship, noting that high-level meetings between foreign ministers routinely cover the broad diplomatic agenda as well as the practical calendar of joint initiatives.

The minister stressed that while the talks naturally touched on ongoing bilateral work, they also addressed regional and global developments, reflecting a holistic approach to partnership rather than a narrow, issue-specific dialogue.

A core theme of the conversations was regional security dynamics, including developments in the Indo-Pacific, West Asia, and the broader Middle East theatre. In particular, the EAM highlighted the importance of coordinating on the evolving security environment, where shared interests span freedom of navigation, secure supply chains, and stability in volatile regions.

He also noted that when foreign ministers meet, there is an opportunity to map out concrete tasks and expectations for collaboration, ensuring that both sides are aligned on priorities and timing. This pragmatic focus underscores how the bilateral relationship is moving from general strategic intent toward defined, achievable outcomes in collaboration and policy implementation.

The discussions also encompassed the humanitarian and geopolitical complexities of the Ukraine conflict and the broader Western Hemisphere landscape, indicating that the bilateral dialogue between India and the United States is both wide in scope and connected to global concerns.

The minister described the exchanges as open and forward-looking, inviting candid assessments of shared challenges and opportunities. By acknowledging the interconnected nature of regional and global issues, the talks reinforce the notion that a robust partnership depends on clear communication, mutual trust, and a willingness to tackle difficult topics with shared responsibility and mutual regard.

At the Critical Minerals Ministerial, hosted by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, India’s participation highlighted a continued commitment to international collaboration on the critical minerals supply chain. 

The EAM emphasised India’s support for FORGE, the Forum on Resource, Geostrategic Engagement, noting that it represents a continuation and expansion of the earlier Mineral Security Partnership framework.

By engaging with FORGE, India signals its readiness to contribute to, and benefit from, a more resilient and diversified global minerals ecosystem. This initiative is positioned as a key conduit for strengthening supply chain resilience, promoting responsible sourcing, and fostering cross-border cooperation in critical minerals, which are essential for modern technologies and defence applications.

The minister’s remarks also drew attention to broader concerns about supply chain concentration in critical minerals. He warned against excessive reliance on a limited number of sources, describing such concentration as a significant global risk that could undermine economic stability and strategic autonomy.

In response, he called for structured international cooperation designed to de-risk these supply chains. This stance aligns with India’s broader objective of deepening engagement with the US-led framework on strategic minerals, while also encouraging diversification and regional partnerships to ensure steadier access to essential materials.

Alongside these topical discussions, Jaishankar’s participation in the ministerial and related dialogues signals a broader strategic shift for India. The engagement marks a move from expressed intent toward tangible industrial action, particularly in the realm of critical minerals.

The 2026 budget announcements in India, which included dedicated rare earth corridors, are cited as a significant signal of this transition.

These provisions point to emerging domestic capabilities in processing, separation, magnet manufacturing, and other downstream activities that will complement imports with strengthened domestic capacity.

The strategic implication is a more integrated approach to mineral security, combining resource access with the development of value chains within India to support both economic growth and technological advancement.

Observers may interpret the exchanges as indicative of a deeper, more systematic partnership between India and the United States in areas tied to technology, security, and energy resilience. The joint focus on supply chain diversification, resilience, and industrial execution suggests a shared understanding that strategic cooperation must evolve beyond dialogue into concrete projects and infrastructure, with measurable milestones and governance mechanisms.

In this framing, the bilateral relationship is evolving toward a model where policy coordination attends closely to practical execution, enabling both countries to advance their strategic interests in an increasingly multipolar global order.

The overall tenor of Jaishankar’s remarks conveyed optimism about the bilateral trajectory, characterised by openness and a willingness to confront complex challenges through collaboration. He portrayed the meetings as productive and outcome-oriented, reinforcing the view that India and the United States can work together to address shared concerns—from regional security in the Indo-Pacific to global mineral supply chain resilience—while also pursuing separate national priorities.

The emphasis on structured cooperation and forward planning suggests that both sides are intent on translating high-level agreement into concrete action, with a clear sense of milestones, timelines, and accountability.

In parallel, the minister’s discussions with US counterparts underscored ongoing commitment to strengthening strategic partnerships that can adapt to evolving geopolitical realities. The integration of India’s evolving role in critical minerals with broader security and economic objectives reflects a growing alignment between New Delhi and Washington on how to navigate resource security in a rapidly changing world.

This approach blends diplomatic initiatives with industrial strategy, aiming to build resilient networks that support sustainable growth, technological leadership, and regional stability well into the next decade.

Based On ANI Report

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India Signals Willingness To Revisit Venezuelan Crude Imports Subject To Sanctions And Commercial Viability

India’s indication that it may resume crude oil imports from Venezuela underscores New Delhi’s continued focus on maintaining diversified and commercially viable energy supplies amid a fluid global oil market.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) clarified that India’s decisions will remain market-driven, even as it faces scrutiny over its evolving crude sourcing patterns, particularly in light of United States’ claims that India has stopped buying Russian oil and may scale up purchases from American and Venezuelan suppliers.

MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal, addressing a media briefing in New Delhi, placed Venezuela within the broader context of India’s long-term energy security strategy. He described Venezuela as a long-standing partner in the energy domain, not only in terms of crude trade but also in investment linkages.

This framing signals that New Delhi views ties with Caracas as part of a sustained engagement, rather than a short-term tactical move driven solely by current price dynamics or geopolitical pressure.

India had been a regular buyer of Venezuelan crude until the 2019–20 period, when imports effectively halted. This stoppage was largely a consequence of the tightening sanctions regime led by the United States against Venezuela’s state-owned oil company Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), which complicated financial transactions, shipping, and insurance.

Indian refiners, particularly those in the public sector, had to recalibrate their sourcing portfolios in response to legal, compliance, and risk-management concerns arising from these sanctions.

The MEA confirmed that limited purchases of Venezuelan crude resumed in the 2023–24 window, reflecting a brief phase of relative sanction relaxation and some operational room for buyers. However, these flows were once again discontinued following the re-imposition or tightening of sanctions.

This stop–start pattern illustrates how India’s energy trade with Venezuela has become closely intertwined with the evolving sanctions landscape and the compliance thresholds of Indian refiners, shipping firms, and financial institutions.

Jaiswal drew attention to the presence of Indian public sector undertakings in Venezuela, underlining that energy cooperation extends well beyond spot cargo purchases. Indian PSUs have partnered with PDVSA since 2008, participating in upstream projects and joint ventures in Venezuela’s heavy oil belts. 

These long-standing equity and contractual relationships create an additional layer of strategic interest for India, as they potentially offer future production and offtake avenues once the regulatory and sanctions environment becomes more predictable and commercially favourable.

By reiterating that India’s crude sourcing is guided by commercial and market considerations, the MEA signalled continuity in policy rather than a sudden pivot. The spokesperson stressed that New Delhi remains open to all options that advance energy security at competitive prices.

This stance implicitly reinforces India’s longstanding position that it will not allow its energy policy to be dictated solely by external geopolitical pressures, whether they relate to Russia, Venezuela, or any other supplier state.

The reference to ongoing assessments “across multiple geographies” suggests that India is actively reviewing opportunities in various oil-producing regions, aligning with its strategic goal of avoiding overdependence on any single supplier or bloc.

In practical terms, this means that Venezuelan barrels will be evaluated alongside crude from the Middle East, the United States, Africa, and other Latin American producers, with refiners looking at factors such as landed cost, quality differentials, freight, payment channels, and sanctions risk.

India’s openness to Venezuelan crude also has technical implications for its refining system. Several Indian refineries, particularly complex coastal plants, are configured to process heavier and sourer grades like those from Venezuela. Access to such grades at a discount can support refinery margins and product slate optimisation.

However, this must be balanced against potential logistical disruptions, reputational risk, and the possibility of future tightening of sanctions that could strand cargoes or payments.

The MEA’s remarks also intersect with the broader narrative about India’s alleged cessation of Russian crude imports and potential substitution with supplies from the United States and Venezuela. While not directly addressing the full detail of these claims, the statement implicitly reaffirms India’s preference to retain flexibility in its crude sourcing basket and to respond pragmatically to shifts in global price spreads, freight rates, and political constraints. The guiding principle remains the same: to secure reliable, affordable energy supplies that underpin India’s economic growth.

In diplomatic terms, signalling openness to Venezuelan crude allows India to keep its options open without formally committing to a specific volume or timeline. It preserves room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis both Washington and Caracas, enabling New Delhi to adjust in line with any future sanctions relaxation, licensing carve-outs, or new commercial opportunities that might emerge.

This calibrated, commercially framed position is consistent with India’s broader approach to balancing competing geopolitical relationships while protecting its core economic interests.

The MEA’s comments reaffirm that Venezuela remains on India’s radar as a potential source of crude, but any renewed engagement will be filtered through a strict commercial and compliance lens. 

Decisions will ultimately rest with individual refiners and corporate boards, operating within the broader policy space that the government has deliberately kept flexible. In an uncertain global energy environment, such flexibility is central to India’s strategy of ensuring resilient and diversified crude oil supplies.

Based On ANI Report

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AXISCADES Technologies Bags ₹13.5 Crore US Orders In Wake of Modi-Trump Trade Pact

AXISCADES Technologies Ltd, a prominent Bangalore-headquartered firm, has clinched its inaugural design and build orders from two significant US entities, totalling roughly ₹13.5 crore.

This development, disclosed on Wednesday, aligns seamlessly with the freshly inked trade pact between US President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The orders hail from a foremost US homeland security outfit and a worldwide marketing and audience engagement enterprise. These mark the initial 'Make in India' manufacturing collaborations with these clients, extending prior partnerships into tangible production commitments.

Operating via its subsidiary Mistral Solutions, AXISCADES excels in aerospace, defence, electronics, semiconductors, and artificial intelligence domains. The firm positions these contracts as a bolster to its stature as a worldwide engineering and manufacturing ally, promising sustained revenue prospects.

This achievement underscores AXISCADES's prowess in harnessing amplified US-India strategic and industrial ties post the trade accord. The Bangalore entity boasts a workforce exceeding 3,000 specialists spread across 17 global sites, encompassing outposts in France, Germany, Denmark, the United States, and Canada.

Its client roster spans semiconductors, automotive, and defence sectors, with deep competencies in weapon systems, avionics, radar, and electronic warfare technologies. Such expertise equips the company to navigate complex, high-stakes projects demanding precision and innovation.

The timing of these orders amplifies their significance, riding the momentum of bilateral trade enhancements. The Modi-Trump agreement fosters deeper economic integration, particularly in technology and manufacturing, where India seeks to amplify its 'Make in India' initiative.

For AXISCADES, rooted in Bangalore's thriving tech ecosystem, this translates to expanded footprints in the US market. Homeland security projects could involve advanced electronics or AI-driven surveillance, while marketing engagements might leverage audience analytics tools—both arenas where Mistral Solutions shines.

Financially, the ₹13.5 crore influx, though modest against the firm's scale, signals a gateway to recurring business. Analysts view it as a litmus test for scaling 'Make in India' outputs to international standards, potentially unlocking larger defence and tech pipelines.

In the broader defence landscape, AXISCADES's involvement in avionics and radar aligns with India's push for indigenous capabilities amid global supply chain shifts. US partnerships could infuse cutting-edge practices, aiding New Delhi's self-reliance goals in strategic sectors.

Geopolitically, this reflects warming Indo-US defence-industrial bonds, countering regional tensions. With China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, such collaborations fortify supply chains and technology transfers, benefiting both nations.

AXISCADES's global presence mitigates risks, blending Indian cost efficiencies with Western quality benchmarks. Future orders may encompass AI-integrated systems or semiconductor designs, fuelling growth in a post-pandemic recovery phase.

Stock market reactions remain muted thus far, yet investor sentiment could pivot with execution milestones. The firm’s order book visibility enhances, critical in volatile defence procurement cycles.

Ultimately, these US wins exemplify how trade diplomacy catalyses private sector gains, positioning AXISCADES as a pivotal player in the evolving US-India tech nexus.

Agencies

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India's SMR Push: BARC's Blueprint For Modular Nuclear Power By 2033

India's pursuit of clean, low-carbon energy through Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) marks a significant stride in its nuclear ambitions. The Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) has embarked on the design, development, and establishment of SMRs tailored for deployment as captive power plants in energy-intensive sectors.

These reactors aim to repurpose retiring fossil fuel-based power plants and serve remote locations lacking grid connectivity. Under the Nuclear Energy Mission, dedicated funds support the research and development of indigenous SMRs, with a target deployment by 2033.

The Department of Atomic Energy has recently launched the design and development of two key SMR variants. The 220 MWe Bharat Small Modular Reactor (BSMR-200) stands as a flagship project, with its lead unit proposed for the Tarapur Atomic Power Station site in Maharashtra.

Complementing this is the 55 MWe Small Modular Reactor (SMR-55), also slated for a lead unit at Tarapur. These initiatives underscore BARC's focus on scalable nuclear solutions for diverse applications.

Additionally, a high-temperature gas-cooled reactor with up to 5 MWth capacity enters the fray, specifically planned for hydrogen generation. This unit is set to be constructed at BARC's facility in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, broadening nuclear technology's role beyond electricity.

The Government of India has allocated substantial funds under the Nuclear Energy Mission for the research, design, development, and eventual deployment of SMRs. BARC, in response, prioritises the construction of lead units at Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) sites to demonstrate technological viability.

The tentative cost for the demonstration unit of the BSMR-200 reactor hovers around ₹27 crore per MWe. Following successful demonstration, costs are expected to decline through design standardisation and economies of scale.

Robust regulatory oversight ensures safety across all nuclear endeavours. The Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB), constituted by statutory order (S.O. 4772) under Section 27 of the Atomic Energy Act, 1962, enforces safety and regulatory provisions under Sections 16, 17, and 18.

AERB holds responsibility for the safety regulation of Nuclear Power Plants (NPPs) via comprehensive processes including licensing, consenting, safety reviews, and periodic inspections. It establishes safety codes, standards, and guides while enforcing stringent requirements.

These standards incorporate International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) benchmarks and global best practices. India's diverse NPP designs—from construction to operation—comply fully with AERB mandates.

AERB conducts meticulous safety reviews at every stage: siting, construction, commissioning, operation, and decommissioning. Post-satisfactory reviews, it issues operational licences valid for up to five years.

During the licence period, AERB monitors safety performance through ongoing reviews and inspections. All plants must undergo a Periodic Safety Review (PSR) every ten years, assessing ageing effects, modifications, operational experience, and alignment with contemporary safety norms.

PSRs identify necessary upgrades, which operators implement promptly. This rigorous framework maintains high safety standards throughout a plant's lifecycle.

AERB's requirements for NPP licensing remain largely technology-neutral, accommodating innovation. For advanced reactors like SMRs, the existing framework applies broadly, with reviews needed only for technology-specific aspects upon submission of site and design details.

AERB actively engages in international forums to track SMR regulatory evolution, adopting suitable enhancements as required. This proactive stance positions India to integrate SMRs seamlessly into its energy matrix.

These developments, articulated by Minister of State for the Prime Minister’s Office Dr. Jitendra Singh in the Lok Sabha on 4 February 2026, signal India's commitment to sustainable nuclear power.

PIB Press Release

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Closely Monitoring Iran Situation; No Indian Casualties Or Disappearances Reported During Protests

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has informed Parliament that there are no reports of Indian nationals being missing or killed in the recent protests in Iran. This assessment comes in the context of ongoing civil unrest within the country, with the government emphasising that Indian citizens are being carefully tracked and supported.

According to the written reply provided by Kirti Vardhan Singh, the Minister of State for External Affairs, the Indian Embassy in Tehran is maintaining regular contact with the Indian community, including student groups, to offer guidance and practical assistance. This contact is described as ongoing and proactive, ensuring that Indians in Iran receive timely information and support as events unfold.

The government has provided a rounded estimate of the Indian presence in Iran, suggesting that there are approximately 9,000 to 10,000 Indian nationals residing in the country. This figure includes a mix of workers, students, and family members who have established long-term livelihoods or educational arrangements in Iran.

The MEA’s emphasis on this population size underscores the breadth of vigilance and outreach being conducted from New Delhi.

Officials have also clarified that the government does not regard these nationals as stranded. They highlighted that Iranian airspace remains open and that commercial flights are operating, enabling flows of people both into and out of Iran. In practical terms, this means that any Indian who wishes to leave could potentially do so using established commercial routes rather than via any immediate government evacuation operation.

In this context, the MEA noted that there has not been an evacuation since Operation Sindhu in June 2025. The reference to Sindhu indicates that the last significant airlift or organized departure of Indian nationals from Iran occurred at that time, after which the embassy prioritised facilitation of commercial travel for those seeking to return. This approach aligns with the statement that Indian nationals are not stranded and can pursue routine travel options if they choose to return.

The minister stressed that there are no reports of Indian nationals either missing or killed during the latest protests. While the absence of such reports is reassuring, the MEA continues to monitor the situation closely, maintaining channels of communication with Indian citizens and providing updates and guidance as needed.

The government’s position appears to balancing a cautious assessment with the practical reality of existing civilian travel infrastructure, which remains functional and accessible to those wishing to depart or return.

In terms of advisory measures, the embassy in Tehran is likely continuing to issue travel guidance to keep Indian citizens apprised of local conditions, safe conduct, and any restrictions that may affect routine travel, schooling, or daily life.

Consular staff would also be prepared to assist with any consular emergencies, help reconnect families if required, and provide information on flight options or possible changes to schedules that could impact travel plans.

The government’s messaging underscores a stance of prudence and support. While protests have been a source of concern regionally, India’s immediate position centres on regular communication with its citizens, concrete information about their status, and access to commercial travel networks.

The Riyadh-style reminder that airspace remains open and flights are available serves to reassure families and employers that routine international mobility remains feasible, should they decide to return or continue living in Iran.

In terms of broader implications, the situation in Iran remains dynamic, with potential spill-overs into regional stability and diplomatic considerations.

New Delhi’s approach appears to prioritise established channels, clear information dissemination, and the protection of its nationals through a combination of embassy guidance and accessible travel options. 

The MEA’s parliamentary update signals a readiness to adapt as events evolve, with ongoing monitoring and communication as key pillars of India’s consular strategy in this period of instability.

Based On PTI Report

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Maoist Eliminated, AK-47 Recovered In Chhattisgarh Encounter

A body of a Maoist has been recovered during an encounter in Bijapur district, Chhattisgarh, with security forces confirming the find this morning. An AK-47 rifle was recovered at the site alongside the deceased cadre, while intermittent exchanges of fire between security forces and Maoists continued from early hours.

The operation followed intelligence indicating armed Maoists stationed in forested and hilly terrain, and a joint team comprising District Reserve Guard, CoBRA, and the Special Task Force conducted the search after credible inputs.

The security sweep was launched after intelligence inputs suggested the presence of the Maoist National Park Area Committee's Divisional Committee Member (DVCM) and other armed cadres in the region. 

Officials indicated that the search operation pressed into the northwestern belt of Bijapur, leveraging the capabilities of the DRG, CoBRA units, and STF. The ongoing nature of the engagement implies the possibility of further outcomes as the teams pursue the last known positions of the insurgents.

Previously in Bijapur, last month, two Maoist cadres were reported dead at an encounter site in the same district, with automatic weapons recovered.

Local police officials underscored that the incident represents part of a broader, sustained campaign against Maoist activity in Bastar, with multiple operations conducted under a coordinated, multi-force approach.

The authorities emphasised that casualty figures and weapon recoveries can evolve as the operation progresses and as further searches are completed.

Sources close to the operation described the terrain as challenging, characterised by dense forests and rugged terrain, which complicates containment and extraction efforts. They noted that joint forces maintained continuous contact with suspected cadres, utilising coordinated ambush responses and reconnaissance to prevent escape routes in the vicinity.

The incident underscores ongoing concerns about left-wing extremism in the Bastar region and the authorities’ use of specialised counter-insurgency units to disrupt Maoist networks.

In the aftermath, officials said a detailed report would be issued once operations wind down and casualty verification is complete. The security establishment reaffirmed its commitment to neutralising Maoist threats and to ensuring civilian safety in affected districts.

There was no immediate information on potential civilian displacement or impact on local communities, but authorities indicated that standard precautionary measures would remain in place during the ongoing operation.

For further clarity, the police highlighted that the joint team’s formation reflects a layered counter-insurgency approach, combining swift action, intelligence-driven raids, and sustained follow-up in forested corridors.

Security forces have pledged to continue patrols and targeted raids in similar terrains to disrupt Maoist networks and deter future incursions in Bijapur and adjacent districts. The situation remains fluid, with officials urging patience as verification and casualty assessments are completed.

Based On ANI Report

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Trump, Xi Speak After Putin Call As Diplomacy Signals Cautious US–China Thaw

In a development that appeared to underline a cautious thaw in US–China relations, US President Donald Trump spoke with Chinese President Xi Jinping hours after Xi had held a video discussion with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The exchanges were publicly acknowledged by Chinese state broadcaster CCTV, and Trump later confirmed the call on his Truth Social platform. This marked their first reciprocal confirmation since their prior conversation in November, signalling a possible attempt to steady a complex and frequently tense bilateral relationship.

Trump described the conversation as long and thorough, listing a wide array of topics that he said had been discussed in a positive and constructive manner. He highlighted subjects such as trade, military considerations, the April trip he planned to China, Taiwan, and broader regional and global issues.

In his posting, Trump asserted that “many important subjects” had been discussed and that the overall tone of the dialogue was very positive. He also reiterated his confidence in maintaining a strong personal rapport with Xi, describing their relationship as “an extremely good one” and suggesting that collaboration on a range of issues could yield significant gains for both nations over the coming period.

The call came on the heels of Xi’s own discussion with Putin, during which the Kremlin disclosed that Putin had accepted Xi’s invitation to visit China in the first half of the year.

The timing of these diplomatic moves indicates a concerted effort to engage major powers in dialogue, potentially smoothing areas of friction and de-escalating some of the more contentious topics that have strained relations in recent months.

The Chinese side framed the Xi–Putin conversation as an opportunity to advance mutual understanding and to work towards stable and predictable bilateral and multilateral dynamics.

Within the American political landscape, Trump’s remarks and the stated intent to visit China in April this year suggest a deliberate emphasis on recalibrating the US approach toward Beijing. The former president has long framed his administration’s interactions with China around issues of trade and strategic competition, but the nature and tone of his latest public statements signal a willingness to pursue dialogue alongside competition.

The specifics of what was discussed in the Trump–Xi call remain selectively disclosed, but the emphasis on a broad set of topics points to a comprehensive exchange rather than a narrow, issue-specific conversation.

On the Chinese side, Xi’s public comments attributed to CCTV stressed that bilateral issues could be resolved through mutual respect and steady engagement.

The emphasis on addressing concerns “one by one” and building mutual trust underscores a preference for incremental progress rather than sweeping changes in the relationship. Xi’s outlook for 2026, as quoted by state media, envisages the year as a potential turning point that could see China and the United States move toward a framework characterised by mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and win-win cooperation.

This framing aligns with Beijing’s long-standing approach of managing Sino-American ties through stability, predictability, and carefully calibrated engagement.

Analysts have noted that tensions between Washington and Beijing had intensified over tariff measures and other trade-related frictions imposed during the previous year. The narrative around a “fragile trade truce” that arose from a meeting in October, in South Korea, suggests that both sides recognise the value of restraint and dialogue even amidst underlying competition.

The most recent communications appear to be part of a broader effort to stabilise the relationship and to reduce the risk of miscalculation, particularly in sensitive areas such as trade, technology, and regional security.

The reported content of Trump’s Truth Social post—covering topics ranging from trade and military matters to energy, agriculture, and industrial goods—paints a picture of a comprehensive agenda. Trump mentioned specifics such as the potential purchase of oil and gas by China from the United States, agricultural product shipments, and even the scheduling of airplane engine deliveries.

While the public details provided are broad, they signal an intent to frame the bilateral discussion as encompassing both commercial and strategic interests, with potential implications for supply chains, energy markets, and industrial supply dynamics.

Taken together, the exchanges reflect a broader pattern in contemporary diplomacy, where leaders use both direct dialogue and public messaging to shape expectations and signal intent to domestic and international audiences.

The emphasis on mutual respect and steady engagement suggests a preference for diplomacy rooted in stable, incremental progress rather than dramatic shifts or unilateral moves. This approach may aim to reduce volatility in an environment where economic competition, technological rivalry, and geopolitical flashpoints intersect.

Looking ahead, Trump’s stated expectation that the next three years of his presidency could yield “many positive results” in US–China relations will be closely watched by policymakers and markets alike.

Xi’s aspiration for 2026 as a turning point will also be observed for evidence of traction, whether in bilateral trade figures, policy coordination, or confidence-building measures that lower the temperature on contentious issues. The public narrative from both sides points toward a pragmatic path forward, with a shared interest in avoiding escalation while preserving national priorities.

The interplay between Washington, Beijing, and Moscow—illustrated by Xi’s invitation to Putin and Trump’s forthcoming trip to China—highlights a landscape where major powers seek to shape outcomes through dialogue and alliance-building.

The next steps are likely to involve a combination of bilateral negotiations, multilateral forums, and selective concessions aimed at sustaining a stable balance of power, protecting economic interests, and addressing security concerns across multiple theatres.

The recent communications convey a cautiously optimistic tone about US–China relations, tempered by the enduring reality of strategic competition.

The messages from both leaders emphasise the importance of dialogue, mutual respect, and structured engagement as the foundation for a more predictable and cooperative bilateral relationship in the months to come.

Based On Reuters Report

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