by Nilesh Kunwar
Weak Narrative
Projecting itself as a peace-loving nation with “zero tolerance” for terrorism, Pakistan claims to be a hapless victim of foreign-sponsored terrorism. To support this claim it cites statistical data of terrorism related incidents and the inordinately high number of fatalities/ injuries suffered by its citizens-both security force personnel as well as civilians.
The levels of terrorism and secessionist activities in Pakistan are definitely alarming and allegations of foreign support to such groups though exaggerated may also be true. However, this excuse doesn’t mitigate the Pakistan army’s abysmal failure to bring the situation under control especially since it has no restrictions whatsoever on the use of force for this purpose.
There’s no smoke without a fire. So, blaming foreign involvement for the crisis is futile as it is rampant institutional apathy and brutal use of military force against civilians that is stoking public anger. Such a hostile attitude generates a sense of victimisation amongst locals and subconsciously makes them empathise with the cause espoused by terrorists and freedom fighters.
Unrealistic Expectations
Despite decades of experience in counter-terrorism operations, Rawalpindi has failed to learn from past mistakes and instead continues to pursue its self-defeating stratagems. While over-optimism abounds aplenty amongst lovers and dreamers, military minds work on the ‘worst case scenario’. However, a peek into history proves that in the case of the Pakistan army the reverse seems true, and this is its biggest handicap.
In 1947, despite having reached within an earshot of Srinagar during its military campaign (Operation Gulmarg) disguised as a tribal invasion to annex Kashmir, Pakistan army commanders and tribals inexplicably stopped their unopposed advance for three days just to pillage Baramulla, probably in the belief that Srinagar was now in their pocket. A military mind would have never allowed any unnecessary halts until the objective was secured, but the Pakistan army’s over-optimism did it in.
In 1965, the Pakistan army made yet another attempt to seize Kashmir (Operation Gibraltar). Its plan envisaged infiltrating armed regulars disguised as Razakars (Civilian Volunteers) who would incite a local uprising. Here again the Pakistan army leadership fell prey to unfounded optimism by presuming that locals of Kashmir Valley would rise up against New Delhi as well as the belief that India would restrict its reaction to J&K.
The Kargil War of 1999 once again proved the enduring nature of Pakistan army’s delusional mindset- otherwise, which rational military leadership would ever assume that its intrusions into a neighbour’s territory would not be contested? Yet, Pakistan army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf went ahead with his bird-brained plan that came to naught, precipitating a shameful withdrawal and its shameful abandonment of the mortal remains of its soldiers killed in combat.
The Afghan people are known to be a fiercely independent race that has defied subjugation for centuries. Yet, the Pakistan army hosted the Afghan Taliban leadership for a decade expecting that once they came to power, Afghanistan would serve as Pakistan’s satellite and provide it with “strategic depth.”
‘Pruning’ Strategy
The Pakistan army maintains that it’s going after terrorists of “all hue and colour.” The reality however is that instead of evolving a comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy aimed at weeding out terrorism, Rawalpindi is following the expedient policy of ‘pruning’ terrorism and is content with keeping the threat at a manageable level rather than eradicating it.
This assessment is proven by the fact that since its much touted post 9/11 War on Terror, Pakistan has signed at least seven major peace accords and numerous informal truce agreements with various terrorist groups. Though not even one of these has endured, the Pakistan army continued pandering to terrorist groups by making unreasonable concessions.
The Pakistan army’s dealing with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is the most revealing example of Rawalpindi’s terrorism ‘pruning’ strategy. Readers would recall that during the period 2021 and 2025, the Pakistan army entered into ceasefire agreements with TTP six times and despite TTP calling off ceasefire every time and attacking security forces, Rawalpindi readily accepted its renewal.
Not only this, the Pakistan army also unconditionally released more than 100 TTP prisoners held in its custody who had been found guilty of killing security force members as well as civilians. Rawalpindi’s claim that its negotiations with TTP was at the behest of the government is belied by former Senate chairman and PPP leader Mian Raza Rabbani statement to Dawn in December 2022 that “No permission was sought by the military from parliament for holding parleys with the TTP.”
Besides releasing TTP fighters, the Pakistan army is guilty of allowing TTP to re-establish itself in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). In August 2022, when locals took to the streets protesting against TTP presence in KP, Pakistan army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) misled the nation by out rightly denying this claim by stating “misperception about alleged presence of (a) large number of proscribed organisation TTP’s armed members in Swat Valley has been created on social media.”
Since TTP presence in Swat was visible, ISPR played down this menacing development by adding that “small number of armed men on (a) few mountain-tops between Swat and Dir has been observed, located far away from population.” And true to its pruning approach towards terrorism, ISPR waxed eloquent by saying that “Presence of militants anywhere will not be tolerated and they will be dealt with full use of force, if required.”
Military Solution
That terrorism and secessionist activities cannot be eradicated through military means alone is an established fact. The Field Marshal also reiterated this reality by asking Pakistan’s Parliamentary Committee on National Security as to "How long will we continue to fill the governance gaps with the blood of the armed forces of Pakistan and the martyrs?"
So, one had expected that as head of Pakistan’s “hybrid” government, the field marshal would take a holistic view of this menace and concentrate on addressing its causative issues. However, instead of doing this, Pakistan’s CDF has instead displayed a retributive mindset and intensified the level of brutality by security forces to the extent that not even civilians are being spared.
Field Marshal Munir may justify his Balochistan pogrom by claiming that freedom fighters in Balochistan are India’s proxies. However, the fact is that Baloch people have been forced to pick up arms due to highhandedness of security forces and government apathy. Didn’t Munir’s predecessor Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa admit that “Balochistan, unfortunately, had been neglected in the past for a host of reasons”?
Consequently, Balochistan and KP are today witnessing an unprecedented surge in violence and extreme repression with enforced disappearances and extra judicial killings by security forces/intelligence agencies becoming the new normal. Use of heavy weapons, drones and even fighter jets is causing significant civilian casualties and this is promoting anti-army feelings amongst locals.
Opinions may vary as regards Field Marshal Munir’s military-centric approach in KP and Balochistan. However, there can be no two views that it’s his inept handling of protests in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK) that has created unprecedented unrest in this disputed territory.
The peaceful protest led by Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) in PoK has no political or ideological agenda and has been triggered by abject apathy towards governance and economic issues. Yet, instead of using the negotiation route for settlement, the field marshal opted for military action and the indiscriminate use of force has led to several deaths and serious injuries.
Prognosis
The weak-kneed government has obediently fulfilled Field Marshal Munir’s demand for turning Pakistan into a “hard state,” and this is the main reason for the country’s current chaos ranging from political instability to widespread public dissent and the horrific cycle of bloodletting. The situation is precarious and requires to be handled rationally and this is only possible by jettisoning obdurate thinking.
This in turn demands empathy, acceptance of mistakes and making compromises, something that one is not very sure if Field Marshal Munir would be willing to do. However, since he knows that he can create an illusion of normalcy by sustained application of brute force, the field marshal will continue with his “hit them hard” and “beat the hell” strategy in KP and Balochistan and demonising JAAC in PoJK as a proxy of India.
The problem with this approach is that while things in Pakistan will go from bad to worse, public anger against poor governance and military failures is bound to swell. This would tempt the beleaguered field marshal to divert public attention by orchestrating acts of terrorism not only in J&K but all over India as this stratagem has never failed Rawalpindi.
Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own
