Thursday, December 18, 2025

Rafales To Strengthen Long Range Strike Capabilities; MH-60R Induction Enables Robust Maritime Defence: Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi


The Indian Navy continues to bolster its maritime prowess through strategic acquisitions and indigenous initiatives, as highlighted by Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi during the commissioning of the second squadron of MH-60R helicopters at INS Hansa in Goa.

Admiral Tripathi underscored the Navy's resolute commitment to augmenting integral ship-borne aviation capabilities, encompassing both fixed-wing and rotary-wing assets.

Central to this endeavour is the recent intergovernmental agreement with France for 26 Rafale-M carrier-borne aircraft, a deal signed in April that promises to markedly enhance long-range maritime strike and land-attack proficiencies.

The contract specifies 22 single-seat Rafale-M variants and four twin-seat Rafale-D aircraft, complemented by comprehensive training programmes, advanced simulators, weaponry, associated equipment, and a five-year Performance-Based Logistics support package.

This procurement also incorporates additional equipment tailored for the Indian Air Force's extant Rafale fleet, fostering greater interoperability across services.

Speaking at the event, Admiral Tripathi affirmed the Navy's pursuit of Atmanirbharta by 2047, emphasising parallel efforts in designing and developing multi-role helicopters in collaboration with Defence Public Sector Undertakings such as Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).

While the immediate induction of 24 MH-60R helicopters addresses pressing operational needs, ongoing evaluations assess proposed timelines from industry partners to determine if further off-the-shelf acquisitions are warranted.

The newly commissioned squadron, INAS 335—codenamed the Ospreys—marks a pivotal expansion of the Navy's aviation arm on the Western Seaboard.

These MH-60R Seahawk helicopters represent multi-mission platforms, excelling in all-weather, day-and-night operations across anti-submarine warfare, anti-surface warfare, search and rescue, medical evacuation, and vertical replenishment tasks.

Their deployment significantly elevates the Navy's capacity to counter emerging threats, particularly amid heightened Chinese naval activity in the Indian Ocean Region, where their armament—including Hellfire missiles, precision-kill systems, and MK-54 torpedoes—proves invaluable.

This development aligns seamlessly with recent naval operations detailed in contemporary reports, such as the successful interception of the hijacked Iranian fishing vessel Al Kambar 786 by Indian warships in the Arabian Sea, underscoring the service's anti-piracy resolve.

Similarly, INS Chennai's prompt response to the hijacking of the Liberian-flagged MV Lila Norfolk off Somalia ensured the safety of 15 Indian crew members, while INS Tabar aided a fire-stricken Palau-flagged vessel in the Gulf of Oman carrying 14 Indian-origin personnel.

These interventions reaffirm the Navy's dedication to maritime security and seafarer welfare, transcending nationalities, as evidenced by repatriation efforts from Iran and rescue missions involving vessels from Maldives and Sri Lanka.

On the diplomatic front, Admiral Tripathi's forthcoming visit to Indonesia from 15 to 18 December further strengthens bilateral ties, coinciding with the 43rd India-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol and discussions on joint training and operational synergy.

Domestically, milestones like the Supreme Court's ruling granting permanent commissions to women Short Service Commission officers in the Navy echo progressive reforms, following similar advancements in the Army.

Meanwhile, the impending decommissioning of veteran warships INS Nishank and INS Akshay after over three decades of exemplary service symbolises a transition towards modernised fleets.

Strategic partnerships extend to civilian sectors, exemplified by the Navy's pact with the Directorate General of Shipping for STCW-compliant certifications, elevating personnel qualifications to international standards.

The Rafale-M induction, alongside MH-60R enhancements, positions the Indian Navy to dominate carrier-based operations from platforms like INS Vikrant, amplifying power projection in contested waters.

As indigenisation accelerates—evident in pursuits of utility and multi-role maritime helicopters—the Navy edges closer to self-reliance, balancing immediate imports with long-term domestic innovation.

This multifaceted strategy not only fortifies defensive postures against regional adversaries but also underscores India's rising stature in Indo-Pacific maritime affairs.

Based On ANI Report


'Defeated On Day 1': Congress Leader Prithviraj Chavan's Controversial 'Op Sindoor' Shocker

Image: News18      

Prithviraj Chavan, a former Chief Minister of Maharashtra and senior Congress leader, has ignited a fierce political storm with his provocative statements on Operation Sindoor. Speaking at a press conference in Pune, Chavan asserted that India suffered a decisive defeat on the very first day of the operation.

He claimed that the Indian Air Force was rendered "completely grounded" due to the imminent threat of Pakistani shoot-downs, marking what he described as a humiliating setback.

Chavan elaborated on the alleged half-hour aerial engagement on 7 May, insisting that India was "fully defeated" regardless of public perceptions. "Indian aircraft were shot down," he declared bluntly, adding that no further sorties were possible from key bases such as Gwalior, Bathinda, or Sirsa. He argued that any attempt to fly would have resulted in certain destruction by Pakistani forces, thereby forcing the Air Force into total stasis.

The remarks extend beyond the immediate conflict, with Chavan questioning the rationale for India's vast military apparatus. He highlighted the absence of ground troop movements during Operation Sindoor, portraying the four-day clash from 7 to 10 May as purely an affair of air power and missiles. "Wars will be fought in the air," he predicted, urging a reevaluation of maintaining an army of 1.2 million soldiers and suggesting they could be repurposed for other duties.

These assertions draw partial inspiration from a statement by a Defence Attaché at a seminar in Indonesia, where claims of Indian losses surfaced. However, the Indian government swiftly rebutted these narratives, labelling them as "taken out of context" and a gross "misrepresentation" of the presentation's core intent. Official sources have categorically denied any confirmation of aircraft shoot-downs.

Operation Sindoor itself stemmed from the tragic Pahalgam terror attack, which claimed 26 lives and prompted India's retaliatory strikes on 7 May. Pakistani forces responded aggressively, escalating tensions over the ensuing days. Indian accounts emphasise resounding success, with Rafale jets deploying SCALP missiles and HAMMER precision bombs to eliminate over 100 terrorists in a mere 23 minutes.

Chavan's comments have drawn sharp condemnation from across the political spectrum, particularly from ruling party leaders who accuse him of undermining national morale and echoing adversarial propaganda. Defence analysts note that such claims risk distorting the strategic narrative of India's precision strikes, which demonstrated indigenous and allied technological prowess without conceding air superiority.

The controversy underscores deeper fault lines in India's domestic discourse on security matters. Opposition figures like Chavan often critique government handling of border skirmishes, yet such stark portrayals of defeat invite accusations of partisanship. With elections looming in several states, these remarks could fuel debates on military readiness and resource allocation.

India's official position remains steadfast: Operation Sindoor showcased the efficacy of its air assets, including the Rafale fleet, in neutralising terror infrastructure deep inside enemy territory. No verified evidence supports claims of downed aircraft, and satellite imagery along with electronic warfare data corroborate minimal losses on the Indian side.

Chavan's additional proposition to slim down ground forces reflects a broader global trend towards air-centric warfare doctrines. Yet critics argue it overlooks the multifaceted nature of modern conflicts, where infantry, armour, and cyber elements remain indispensable against hybrid threats from neighbours like Pakistan and China.

As the dust settles on this political furore, the episode highlights the perils of blending military history with electoral rhetoric. Prithviraj Chavan's unfiltered critique may resonate with anti-establishment sentiments but risks alienating veterans and defence enthusiasts who view Operation Sindoor as a triumph of resolve and technology.

In the end, the true measure of such operations lies not in partisan soundbites but in their deterrence value. India's swift response to Pahalgam has arguably deterred further adventurism, reinforcing the credibility of its no-first-use-but-retaliatory-strike posture in an increasingly volatile region.

Based On ANI Report


US Hails India as 'Highly Strategic Partner' in AI, Supply Chains; Helberg To Headline Delhi Summit For Deeper Ties


The United States has positioned India as a "highly strategic partner" in safeguarding global supply chains for artificial intelligence and semiconductors, according to a senior American official.

This stance comes amid efforts to bolster bilateral cooperation on economic security.

Jacob Helberg, the US Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, made these remarks while addressing India's absence from the recent Pax Silica Summit in Washington.

Helberg announced his intention to attend the India AI Impact Summit in Delhi in February. He described this as an opportunity to forge "tangible milestones" in US-India collaboration. The virtual briefing followed the Pax Silica Summit, where technologically advanced economies convened to align strategies on AI infrastructure and semiconductor supply chains.

Responding to queries on India's non-participation, Helberg clarified that trade discussions remain a "completely separate and parallel track" from supply chain security talks. He dismissed any notion of exclusion due to diplomatic tensions, emphasising that the two nations maintain daily communication. India, he noted, engages through bilateral channels rather than the multilateral format of the summit.

"We view India as a highly strategic potential partner on supply chain security-related efforts," Helberg stated. He underscored Washington's eagerness to deepen ties swiftly. The February summit, he added, promises substantial advancements in bilateral economic security arrangements.

The Pax Silica initiative, unveiled at the December summit, marks a pivotal shift in US economic policy. Organisers frame it as prioritising national security over conventional trade dynamics. It rests on four core pillars: rebalancing trade relationships, stabilising conflict zones economically, reindustrialising America, and fortifying supply chains against vulnerabilities.

Silicon and semiconductors form the "lifeblood" of contemporary technology, Helberg asserted. The initiative targets coordinated investments in fabrication plants, data centres, and mineral refining among allies. This approach seeks to mitigate risks in critical sectors from electric vehicle batteries to defence electronics.

Participants at the inaugural summit included Japan, South Korea, Singapore, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Australia. Taiwan, the European Union, Canada, and the OECD also contributed, despite Taiwan's distinctive diplomatic position. These nations dominate the global semiconductor ecosystem, hosting giants such as Samsung, TSMC, ASML, and SK Hynix.

Japan holds a foundational role, with the Pax Silica concept originating from US-Japan bilateral dialogues. The gathering reflects a concerted push to anchor supply chain resilience. Analysts observe that India might integrate into future phases, mirroring its trajectory with the Minerals Security Partnership.

Launched in 2022, the Minerals Security Partnership initially advanced without India. New Delhi joined in June 2023, alongside Japan, Australia, and the European Union. The MSP targets critical minerals like lithium, cobalt, and rare earth elements, countering China's dominance in rare earth processing, which commands 60-70 per cent of global capacity.

Pax Silica extends this logic to technology supply chains, aiming to diminish reliance on China. It treats supply chain frailties as existential national security imperatives, not mere commercial issues. Washington's intensified focus aligns with broader geopolitical realignments.

For India, this development holds strategic resonance, particularly given its burgeoning role in semiconductors and AI. Initiatives like the India Semiconductor Mission and growing ties with US firms position New Delhi advantageously. Helberg's Delhi visit could accelerate joint ventures in fabrication and AI infrastructure.

Bilateral momentum builds on prior successes, such as iCET and defence technology pacts. Yet challenges persist, including regulatory alignment and investment scaling. The February summit offers a platform to address these, potentially yielding memoranda on joint fab plants or AI ethics frameworks.

Observers anticipate Pax Silica's expansion to encompass India, enhancing collective resilience. This partnership could redefine Indo-US economic security dynamics, fostering indigenisation while countering adversarial influences. Helberg's engagement signals Washington's commitment to New Delhi as an indispensable ally in the silicon age.

Based On ANI Report


MH-60R Helicopters Exceled In Operation Sindoor, Confirms Navy Chief Admiral Tripathi


The Indian Navy Chief, Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi, has affirmed the successful deployment of MH-60R helicopters during Operation Sindoor, a critical military operation launched in response to the Pahalgam terror attack on 7 May.

Speaking exclusively after commissioning the second MH-60R squadron in Goa, he noted that the helicopters, embarked on naval units, performed precisely as intended, though operational details remain classified as the mission continues.

Operation Sindoor unfolded amid heightened tensions following the deadly assault in Pahalgam, which claimed 26 lives. Pakistan's subsequent retaliation escalated the situation into a brief but intense conflict from 7 to 10 May.

The Navy's involvement underscored the MH-60R's role in bolstering maritime operations during this period of national security exigency.

The commissioning ceremony took place at INS Hansa in Panaji, Goa, where Admiral Tripathi oversaw the induction of INAS 335, dubbed the 'Ospreys'. This marks the second squadron dedicated to the MH-60R platform, following the establishment of a training squadron at Cochin in March 2024. The event highlights the Navy's accelerating push towards enhanced aviation integration.

Admiral Tripathi emphasised the squadron's strategic value, stating it would significantly elevate combat readiness across surface platforms. By amplifying anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capabilities, the Ospreys will fortify defences against subsurface threats, while also advancing anti-surface warfare (ASuW) and maritime domain awareness.

The MH-60R emerges as a cornerstone of this enhancement, praised by the Navy Chief as a "very potent platform, well-proven". Its all-weather, day-and-night operations make it ideal for diverse missions, including search and rescue (SAR), medical evacuation (MEDEVAC), and vertical replenishment (VERTREP). These attributes position it as a versatile asset for the Indian Navy's Western Seaboard fleets.

Recent developments further underscore India's commitment to maritime superiority. The Navy has finalised a contract for an additional 24 MH-60R helicopters from the United States, signalling sustained investment in proven Western technology. Admiral Tripathi expressed keen satisfaction with this deal, which promises to exponentially scale the platform's operational footprint.

This induction aligns with broader indigenisation efforts under the 'Make in India' initiative, even as the Navy balances foreign acquisitions with domestic capabilities. The MH-60R's multi-role proficiency addresses longstanding gaps in ASW, particularly vital amid rising submarine activities in the Indian Ocean Region by adversaries such as China and Pakistan.

Operation Sindoor's ongoing status, as revealed by the Chief, suggests persistent vigilance along maritime frontiers. The helicopters' confirmed efficacy in this context reassures stakeholders of the Navy's preparedness, deterring potential aggressors through demonstrated subsurface and surface dominance.

INAS 335's activation at INS Hansa not only operationalises a new cadre of aviators but also integrates seamlessly with existing squadrons. Training regimens have been rigorous, ensuring pilots and crews master the helicopter's advanced avionics, dipping sonar, and Hellfire missile systems for precision strikes.

Looking ahead, the expanded MH-60R fleet will synergise with indigenous projects like the Naval Utility Helicopter (NUH) and Multi-Role Helicopter (MRH) programs. This hybrid approach—blending imported expertise with homegrown innovation—positions the Indian Navy as a formidable blue-water force.

Admiral Tripathi's remarks in Goa resonate beyond the commissioning, reinforcing public and strategic confidence in the Navy's evolution. As geopolitical frictions persist, particularly involving Pakistan and regional powers, platforms like the MH-60R embody India's resolve to safeguard its seaboard and project power effectively.

Based On ANI Report


Indian Army Achieves Logistics Milestone With Tank, Artillery Induction Into Kashmir Valley Via Special Train


The Indian Army has achieved an important logistics milestone by inducting tanks, artillery guns, and heavy engineering equipment into the Kashmir Valley via a Military Special Train.

This operation, conducted on 16 December, marks a major boost to India's operational preparedness along the Northern Borders. The movement involved transporting these assets from Jammu to Anantnag in South Kashmir, demonstrating enhanced strategic mobility and rapid force deployment capabilities.

This exercise validates the Army's improved logistics infrastructure, particularly following the operationalisation of the Udhampur–Srinagar–Baramulla Rail Link (USBRL) project.

An Army officer involved described the successful induction as a landmark achievement, reflecting the force's ability to rapidly mobilise combat power and sustain operations in forward areas. The operation underscores the growing integration of rail networks into military logistics.

Executed in close coordination with the Ministry of Railways, the movement highlights the deepening synergy between the Indian Army and Indian Railways. Railway officials adhered to strict timelines and safety protocols to ensure the seamless transit of heavy military assets.

A senior railway official noted that this collaboration has proven critical in meeting strategic objectives, transforming logistics planning in the region through reliable, all-weather rail connectivity.

The USBRL project, one of India's most ambitious railway ventures, was originally designed to provide year-round civilian connectivity to the Kashmir Valley. Its successful use for heavy military hardware transport now reveals its broader strategic relevance. This capability enables swift logistics build-up during contingencies, enhancing deterrence and operational flexibility along the Line of Control (LoC) and other sensitive areas.

Senior officials emphasise that the ability to transport armour and artillery quickly significantly improves India's capacity for rapid reinforcement and redeployment during emergencies or heightened tensions. The Army has indicated that such validation exercises will continue to refine logistics procedures and ensure readiness under varied scenarios. Operational preparedness, they stress, hinges not only on combat capability but also on robust logistics support.

Historically, inducting heavy military equipment into the Kashmir Valley has posed substantial challenges due to the region's rugged terrain, extreme weather, and limited connectivity options. The Army previously depended heavily on the Jammu–Srinagar National Highway and air transport, both vulnerable to disruptions from landslides, heavy snowfall, and prolonged winter closures. These factors often delayed movements and complicated operational planning.

The USBRL's commissioning addresses these longstanding vulnerabilities by offering a dependable alternative route. Capable of handling oversized military consignments, the rail link reduces transit times and minimises exposure to weather-related risks. This development aligns with India's broader push towards indigenisation and infrastructure-led defence modernisation under initiatives like Make in India.

In the context of ongoing tensions along the Northern Borders, particularly with Pakistan and China, this logistics enhancement bolsters India's posture. It allows for quicker surge capacity in the Kashmir sector, where terrain and weather have traditionally favoured defensive strategies. The operation also signals to adversaries the improved responsiveness of Indian forces.

The Indian Army's commitment to repeated validation drills will likely lead to further optimisations in rail-based deployments. Future exercises may incorporate even larger consignments or simulate wartime conditions to test endurance. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Railways could expand specialised military train configurations, fostering greater interoperability.

This milestone reinforces the strategic value of dual-use infrastructure in India's defence architecture. By linking civilian projects like USBRL to military needs, the nation enhances both economic integration and security resilience. As Northern Border dynamics evolve, such capabilities will remain pivotal in maintaining operational superiority.

Agencies


Oman Jaguar Acquisition: Bolstering IAF Fleet Sustainability And Deferring Retirement


India's acquisition of spare SEPECAT Jaguar aircraft from Oman underscores the Indian Air Force's (IAF) determined efforts to prolong the service life of its ageing fleet, marking a strategic pivot amid persistent operational challenges.

As the sole remaining operator of the Anglo-French Jaguar platform, the IAF faces mounting pressures from dwindling spare parts availability and the platform's obsolescence, prompting this latest procurement initiative.

Reports indicate that Oman, which retired its Jaguars in 2014, once maintained a fleet of 27 aircraft originally sourced from the Royal Air Force (RAF). Following several accidents, approximately 14 airframes remain potentially viable for cannibalisation by New Delhi.

Oman inducted its first Jaguars in 1977, comprising 20 single-seat variants, five two-seaters, and two dedicated spares. The precise composition of the surviving 14 aircraft remains unspecified, though accident-damaged airframes could yield additional components.

These intact survivors will undergo disassembly on Omani soil, transforming them into a vital spares pool to bolster India's inventory without full aircraft transfers.

India's Jaguar saga dates back to 1978, when the IAF received 18 airframes directly from the RAF, followed by 40 from British Aerospace. Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) then licence-produced 128 more under a technology-transfer deal, with the final unit emerging in 2008—long after production ceased in France and the UK.

This prospective deal echoes prior precedents. In 2018, India secured around 30 airframes gratis from France, covering only transport costs, after Paris decommissioned them in 2005. These continue to sustain the IAF's six Jaguar squadrons, each averaging 20 aircraft.

Domestic upgrades have been pivotal. The Display Attack Ranging and Inertial Navigation (DARIN) programme unfolded in three phases, initially introducing SAGEM navigation, modern cockpit displays, and enhanced weaponry integration computers.

DARIN-II, rolled out in the 2000s, added Thales laser targeting, Israeli jamming suppression, and advanced countermeasures, markedly elevating the platform's combat efficacy.

DARIN-III, initiated in 2008, integrated Israel's Elta EL/M-2052 AESA radar—the first such system in IAF service—alongside a new mission computer. Ambitious engine upgrades to Honeywell F125-IN were abandoned in 2019 owing to delays and ballooning costs.

India harbours aspirations to retain Jaguars until 2050, though analysts deem this timeline overly sanguine, with phased retirements likely commencing far sooner.

These exertions illuminate profound structural frailties within the IAF, particularly its shortfall against the government's mandated 42 squadrons. Currently, only 29 squadrons operate, a deficit worsened by the recent phasing out of MiG-21s after 62 years.

Procurement delays plague efforts to induct up to 114 new aircraft, with no platform yet finalised, leaving deep-strike capabilities precariously reliant on extended Jaguar service.

The Omani spares deal thus represents pragmatic improvisation, buying time for indigenous programmes like TEJAS MK-1A and MK-2, while highlighting India's deepening ties with Gulf allies in defence sustainment.

HAL's role in local production and upgrades exemplifies 'Make in India' imperatives, yet underscores vulnerabilities in supply chains for legacy Western platforms.

Geopolitically, this move aligns with India's multi-alignment strategy, leveraging ex-RAF assets from Oman to sidestep Franco-British bottlenecks, much like the French cannibalisation precedent.

Operational imperatives remain acute: Jaguars fulfil critical deep-penetration strikes, armed with nuclear-capable ordnance, demanding sustained availability amid border tensions with China and Pakistan.

Engine reliability persists as a Achilles' heel, with Adour powerplants prone to failures, though interim maintenance has averted wholesale groundings.

Fiscal prudence drives such acquisitions, minimising costs versus outright new buys, yet risks entrenching dependence on 1970s-vintage airframes ill-suited to peer adversaries' fifth-generation fighters.

The IAF's squadron deficit—projected to dip further before Rafale and indigenous infusions—compels hybrid fleets blending legacy and modern assets, as evidenced by Jaguar persistence.

Oman's willingness to divest reflects its pivot towards F-16 upgrades and potential Eurofighter pursuits, freeing legacy inventory for reliable partners like India.

Technically, the EL/M-2052 radar imparts network-centric warfare potential, enabling precision strikes with Spice bombs and Astra missiles, partially mitigating age-related shortcomings.

Yet, airframe fatigue looms large; cumulative flight hours approach design limits, necessitating rigorous inspections alongside imported parts.

This episode foreshadows broader IAF transitions: Jaguars may cede roles to Su-30MKI upgrades and AMCA sixth-gen prototypes, but only post-2030.

Indigenisation gains traction, with HAL eyeing private sector synergies for future sustainment, reducing foreign spares reliance.

Internationally, the deal signals Jaguar's enduring niche in cash-strapped air forces, though no new operators loom on the horizon.

For India, it buys breathing space amid MRFA (Multi-Role Fighter Aircraft) tender uncertainties, where global heavyweights vie amid bureaucratic inertia.

Ultimately, while tactically astute, this stopgap underscores the urgency for accelerated procurement and production ramps to restore squadron strength and technological parity.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Pakistan's ISI Trying To Rehabilitate ULFA Terrorist Paresh Baruah In Dhaka


Pakistan is reportedly intensifying its efforts to expand influence in Bangladesh following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, with a particular focus on rehabilitating key figures from Indian insurgent groups. 

Sources familiar with the matter indicate that Islamabad, through its Army and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), is planning to facilitate the return of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) chief Paresh Baruah to Dhaka from his current hideout in China's Yunnan province.

This move aligns with Pakistan's broader strategy to exploit the political vacuum in post-Hasina Bangladesh. Under the interim regime, Pakistani security elements have allegedly ramped up outreach, including support for radical groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, which played a role in the February polls. 

Rehabilitating Baruah in Dhaka would revive a notorious model from the BNP-Jamaat era, when Bangladesh served as a safe haven for northeast Indian insurgents.

Paresh Baruah, a long-time ULFA leader, has evaded capture for decades while directing operations against Indian security forces. His group has been linked to bombings, extortion, and separatist violence in Assam. Recent intelligence suggests China aided his relocation from Ruili—near the Arunachal Pradesh-Myanmar border—to Xishuangbanna Dai in Yunnan, positioning him closer to regional networks.

Pakistan's interest stems from hopes of installing a sympathetic regime in Dhaka. Experts on Bangladesh affairs note that a favourable government could enable insurgent groups to regroup and operate from Bangladeshi soil, much like the 2004 Chittagong arms smuggling plot. Baruah was allegedly involved in that failed attempt to ferry 10 truckloads of arms into Bangladesh, highlighting his historical ties to such logistics.

The interim Bangladesh administration's fragility provides an opening for external actors. Pakistan's ISI has reportedly cultivated contacts within Bangladeshi military and political circles, aiming to counter India's dominance in the region. This includes reviving dormant terror infrastructures that Hasina's Awami League had dismantled through aggressive counter-insurgency measures.

India views these developments with alarm, given ULFA's role in destabilising its northeast. Baruah's rehabilitation could embolden other groups like the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) factions or People's Liberation Army, potentially reigniting cross-border incursions. New Delhi has bolstered border surveillance along the 4,096-km India-Bangladesh frontier in response.

China's involvement adds a geopolitical layer. Beijing's facilitation of Baruah's movements underscores its strategy to needle India via proxies in the neighbourhood. Yunnan province, with its proximity to Myanmar's turbulent borders, serves as a conduit for arms and militants, intersecting with the Golden Triangle's illicit networks.

Historical precedents abound. During the 1990s and early 2000s, Bangladesh under BNP-Jamaat alliances hosted over 170 training camps for Indian insurgents, funded by Pakistan. Operations like the 2004 arms haul—destined for ULFA and other outfits—were intercepted, leading to a crackdown under Hasina. Pakistan now seeks to reverse these gains.

Bangladesh's interim leadership, led by figures with Islamist leanings, has shown reticence in curbing such influences. Reports of ISI operatives in Dhaka hotels and meetings with ex-military personnel fuel suspicions. If successful, Baruah's return could normalise insurgent activities, including fund collection from Assam's tea gardens and recruitment drives.

India's countermeasures include diplomatic pressure on Dhaka and enhanced intelligence sharing with Myanmar. The Ministry of Home Affairs has flagged ULFA as a priority threat, with Assam Police reporting sporadic ULFA(I) activities despite peace talks with a pro-talks faction. Baruah's hardline stance rejects negotiations, aligning him perfectly with Pakistani objectives.

Regional implications extend to the Bay of Bengal. A Pakistan-China axis in Bangladesh could challenge India's Act East Policy, complicating infrastructure projects like the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway. Maritime security in the Andaman Sea might also suffer if insurgents gain sea access via Chittagong.

International actors remain watchful. The US and Quad partners have urged Bangladesh to prevent terror safe havens, invoking UN resolutions on cross-border terrorism. Yet, economic dependencies—Bangladesh's garments sector relies on Western markets—may temper responses.

Pakistan's gambit carries risks. Overreach could provoke Indian surgical strikes, as seen in Myanmar (2015) and Pakistan (2016, 2019). Dhaka's army, battle-hardened from Hasina-era operations, might resist ISI meddling to preserve sovereignty.

Pakistan's bid to reposition Paresh Baruah signals a calculated resurgence of proxy warfare against India. Success hinges on Dhaka's political trajectory, but failure could expose Islamabad's overextension amid its domestic crises. India must sustain vigilance to safeguard its north-eastern flanks.

Based On ET News Report


India Set To Deploy 5 Plus Indigenous Small Modular Nuclear Reactors


India plans to deploy at least five indigenously designed and developed small modular reactors (SMRs) by 2033 as part of its ambitious Nuclear Energy Mission. This initiative underscores the nation's push towards self-reliance in nuclear technology, aligning with broader indigenisation goals in strategic sectors.

In a recent written reply to the Lok Sabha, Union Minister Jitendra Singh highlighted the progress made by the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC). The centre has already commenced design and development on key projects, including the 200 megawatt electrical (MWe) Bharat Small Modular Reactor (BSMR-200).

BARC is also advancing the 55 MWe Small Modular Reactor (SMR-55), tailored for smaller-scale applications. Additionally, efforts are underway on a high-temperature gas-cooled reactor with a capacity of up to 5 MW, primarily aimed at hydrogen generation to support emerging clean energy needs.

The government has allocated a substantial ₹20,000 crore in the 2025-26 budget specifically for research, design, development, and deployment of these SMRs. This funding reflects India's commitment to achieving its 2033 target while fostering technological innovation.

Currently, India's installed nuclear energy capacity stands at 8.78 gigawatts (GW). The long-term vision is to scale this up dramatically to 100 GW by 2047, marking a pivotal step in the country's energy security and net-zero ambitions.

Public sector undertakings under the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) are projected to contribute 58-60 GW to this 100 GW goal. The remaining capacity will likely come from collaborations involving public and private sector entities, broadening the base for nuclear expansion.

The Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd (NPCIL) plays a central role in this roadmap. It is currently constructing four reactors totalling 4 GW in partnership with Russia, demonstrating sustained India-Russia cooperation in nuclear matters.

Looking ahead, NPCIL aims to add another 17.6 GW through further foreign collaborations. This will help the corporation reach approximately 54 GW by 2047, forming the backbone of India's nuclear fleet.

A notable development is the joint venture between National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) and NPCIL, named Anushakti Vidhyut Nigam Limited. This entity will focus on nuclear power generation and related activities, with the Mahi Banswara project already approved—comprising four units of 700 MW each.

India's operational nuclear infrastructure includes 24 power plants with a combined capacity of 8,780 MW. These facilities provide a stable base for the country's energy mix amid growing demand.

Construction is progressing on eight additional reactors totalling 6,600 MW, at various stages of commissioning. This pipeline ensures steady capacity addition in the near term.

Furthermore, pre-project activities are underway for 10 more reactors with 7,000 MW capacity. These efforts signal robust planning to meet escalating power requirements while prioritising safety and efficiency.

Small modular reactors represent a transformative shift in nuclear technology due to their compact size, scalability, and enhanced safety features. Unlike traditional large reactors, SMRs can be factory-assembled and deployed modularly, reducing construction timelines and costs.

The BSMR-200, for instance, targets mid-sized power needs, making it suitable for industrial hubs or remote regions. Its indigenous design minimises reliance on imports, bolstering India's strategic autonomy.

The SMR-55 offers even greater flexibility for distributed energy systems, potentially powering smaller grids or off-grid applications. This aligns with India's diverse geographical and economic landscape.

The high-temperature gas-cooled reactor for hydrogen production opens avenues in green hydrogen economy. By leveraging nuclear heat, it could decarbonise sectors like fertilisers, refining, and transportation, complementing solar and wind initiatives.

This nuclear push integrates with India's 'Make in India' ethos, particularly in high-tech domains. Successful SMR deployment could position India as an exporter of modular nuclear solutions, enhancing its global standing akin to advancements in defence and aerospace.

Challenges remain, including regulatory harmonisation, skilled workforce development, and waste management. Yet, the ₹20,000 crore infusion signals strong political will to overcome these hurdles.

By 2047, achieving 100 GW will require seamless public-private synergies and international tie-ups. NPCIL's roadmap, bolstered by ventures like Anushakti Vidhyut Nigam, lays a solid foundation.

India's SMR program not only addresses energy demands but also advances technological sovereignty. With BARC's innovations and robust funding, the 2033 milestone appears within reach, paving the way for a nuclear-powered future.

Based On TOI Report



Acquisition Proposal of 5 Fleet Support Vessels In Final Stage


India's naval modernisation efforts have reached a pivotal juncture with the acquisition proposal for five fleet support vessels (FSVs) advancing to its final negotiation stage. This development, disclosed by Minister of State for Defence Ajay Bhatt in a written reply to Rajya Sabha MP V. Vijayasai Reddy on 14 March, underscores the government's commitment to bolstering the Indian Navy's blue-water capabilities.

The project centres on Hindustan Shipyard Limited (HSL), based in Visakhapatnam, which has secured a collaborator contract in line with prevailing procurement protocols. HSL's partnership involves Anadolu Shipyard, a key player within Turkey's TAIS consortium, facilitating the design and construction of these vital vessels.

Each FSV is slated to measure approximately 230 metres in length, boasting a substantial displacement of 45,000 tons. These dimensions position them as among the largest support ships in the Indian Navy's inventory, tailored for extended maritime operations.

Delivery timelines are ambitious, with HSL projecting the handover of the inaugural vessel within four years of receiving official sanction. This schedule aligns with the Navy's pressing requirement to replace ageing replenishment vessels, thereby enhancing operational endurance in distant waters.

Financially, the endeavour carries an estimated price tag ranging from $1.5 billion to $2 billion. Such investment reflects the strategic premium placed on logistics sustainment, critical for power projection in the Indian Ocean Region amid rising geopolitical tensions.

Technology transfer forms the cornerstone of this collaboration. Anadolu Shipyard will furnish engineering services, detailed planning, and specification blueprints, imbuing HSL with advanced shipbuilding expertise and propelling indigenous capabilities forward.

This initiative dovetails seamlessly with the Make in India campaign, emphasising self-reliance in defence manufacturing. By indigenising complex warship construction, India aims to curtail import dependence and cultivate a robust domestic maritime industrial base.

The choice of Anadolu Shipyard follows a strategic pivot. HSL had initially eyed a tie-up with South Korea's Hyundai Heavy Industries, but negotiations faltered over the latter's demand to fabricate the lead ship in Korea and source key components externally.

Abandoning that route preserves project sovereignty, ensuring maximal local content and skill infusion. It also mitigates risks associated with foreign-dominated supply chains, a lesson drawn from prior global defence procurements.

Fleet support vessels play an indispensable role in modern naval warfare, functioning as floating logistics hubs. They enable at-sea replenishment of fuel, ammunition, provisions, and spares, liberating strike groups from frequent port calls.

In the Indian context, these FSVs will sustain carrier battle groups centred on INS Vikrant and its forthcoming siblings, amplifying the Navy's ability to patrol vast exclusive economic zones and counter adversarial forays.

Geopolitically, the timing is prescient. With China's expanding naval footprint in the Indo-Pacific, including forays into the Arabian Sea, India requires resilient logistics to maintain deterrence and secure vital sea lanes of communication.

The Turkey partnership adds a nuanced dimension to India's defence diplomacy. It diversifies sourcing beyond traditional Russian and Western allies, while Turkey's growing indigenous defence sector offers complementary technologies without the strings of dominant powers.

HSL's track record bolsters optimism. Revitalised under public-private partnerships, the yard has delivered frigates and submarines, positioning it ideally for this high-stakes project. Successful execution could unlock follow-on orders, cementing its status as a premier naval yard.

Challenges persist, however. Negotiations must navigate fiscal constraints, technological integration hurdles, and potential geopolitical frictions involving Turkey's regional entanglements. Delays in vendor clearances or design tweaks could ripple through timelines.

Staffing and infrastructure upgrades at HSL remain imperatives. The yard must scale workforce skills in modular construction and digital twins, leveraging the transferred know-how to meet exacting naval standards.

Upon fruition, these FSVs will elevate India's strategic maritime posture, enabling sustained deployments from the Malacca Strait to the Horn of Africa. They symbolise a maturing navy, transitioning from coastal defence to expeditionary operations.

This procurement exemplifies strategic indigenisation: blending foreign expertise with homegrown execution to forge self-sufficient capabilities. As negotiations conclude, the project stands poised to redefine India's shipbuilding paradigm for the 21st century.

Agencies


Winter Strategy of Terrorists in J&K And Countermeasures


by Nilesh Kunwar

Due to extremely cold climate and heavy snowfall in the upper reaches of J&K during winter, human survival in the upper reaches becomes a nightmare due to which a majority of Pakistan sponsored terrorists are compelled to take refuge in inhabited areas and operate from there.

However, while the harsh weather conditions may restrict their operational flexibility, to assume that it results in inactivity would be incorrect as winters do offer some distinct advantages to terrorists.

On receipt of information from informants regarding the presence of terrorists, security forces exploit their extraordinary ability to move swiftly and achieve surprise by using routes considered untraversable to reach the desired location. However, heavy snow accumulation severely restricts the speed of movement especially while negotiating seemingly impassable routes which significantly limits the scope of achieving surprise- a factor crucial for successful counter-terrorism operations.

Similarly, during winters, thorough search of houses is difficult because villagers cannot be made to remain outdoors for long periods due to the prevailing cold temperatures and searching a house with its occupants inside is an extremely dangerous proposition. Because in case there are terrorists hiding within then there’s a very high probability of the innocent occupants being killed or injured since these trapped terrorists will definitely open fire as they have no love lost for the hapless people living in the house.

While winters restrict freedom of action enjoyed by terrorists, it nevertheless provides them with some definite advantages. One, in order to brave the freezing temperatures, Kashmiris dress up warmly when they are outdoors and so the people going about their work wearing pherens (a long, loose gown-like traditional Kashmiri upper garment) with their hands retracted to provide additional warmth and faces well covered with scarves and complimented with a variety of woollen headgear is a common sight making facial recognition very difficult.

The dress code ‘imposed’ by the bone-chilling cold on locals allows terrorists to move around with minimal fear of being identified. This in turns facilitates detailed reconnaissance to identify potential targets as well as the easiest access and safest escape routes. Furthermore, not only can grenades, pistols and even AK rifles easily be concealed underneath a pheren, they can be used with equal ease as well.

The biggest advantage is that a terrorist in traditional winter Kashmiri clothing with a weapon and/or grenade concealed within can leisurely scout for a suitable target and attacking it at an opportune moment. Terrorists prefer grenade attacks on security force personnel in crowded places because in order to prevent collateral damage, the response of security forces don’t react with full force and the ensuing melee allows the terrorists to escape.

Even though terrorists do abandon their hideouts located in the upper reaches during winters, they don’t shift en masse into villages for the fear of being compromised. Instead, they establish hideouts in thickly forested areas in the vicinity of remote villages that provide them a source of sustenance and temporary shelter during inclement weather.

Coming down to specifics, besides attacking members of the security forces and law enforcing agencies on routine duties, migrant workers and members of minority communities are the most vulnerable as targeting them furthers Rawalpindi’s objective of fuelling communal animosity.

Hence, security force personnel and members of law enforcement agencies need to avoid setting a fixed operating pattern while performing routine duties. In addition, enhancing surveillance by establishing appropriately equipped observation posts at vantage points backed by quick reaction teams would not only act as a deterrent but also facilitate in apprehending/neutralising terrorists involved in committing violent acts.

Most importantly, there’s a need to further improve the intelligence collection and collation apparatus. While cutting edge technology greatly enhances the timely availability and quality of intelligence inputs, the importance of ‘old school’ methods like use of human intelligence cannot be disregarded. A judicious blend of both ensures that gaps in information acquired through one source are corroborated by the other.

While terrorist activities in J&K have shown a significant decline in recent years, this is not because Pakistan army’s spy agency Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), which is overseeing Rawalpindi’s proxy war in J&K has scaled it down, but due to the sustained efforts of the Indian state, its security forces, intelligence and law enforcement agencies, and most importantly, the people of J&K.

Being fully aware of the inordinately high terrorist attrition rate due to sustained counter-terrorism operations, ISI has been working overtime to ensure that it can push-in a much larger number of terrorists into J&K and replenish their weapons and munitions stock throughout the year.

Since snow conditions in Kashmir region during winters preclude the scope of any meaningful infiltration through snow covered routes , the ISI is using those alternative routes and the recent apprehension of an armed Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) terrorist attempting to cross over in the Akhnoor sector of Jammu region is a case in point. Similarly, increased use of drones to drop arms and ammunition reflects ISI’s intention of keeping the pot boiling in Kashmir.

Presence of several senior Pakistan army officers in uniform attending the funeral prayer ceremony of terrorist leaders killed during the retributory attacks on their safe houses by the Indian armed forces conclusively exposes Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir’s pathetic terrorist fixation.

With the 27th constitutional amendment giving him sweeping powers coupled with lifelong immunity from criminal persecution, there’s nothing to stop the field marshal from escalating violence levels- not only in J&K but far beyond.

There can be no two views that JeM chief Masood Azhar’s announcement that since “The enemies of Jaish (JeM) have put Hindu women into the army and set up female journalists against us," JeM was creating its women wing named Jamaat-ul-Mominat to "mobilise his women to compete and fight against them" is an ISI brainchild duly approved by Hinduphobic Field Marshal Munir

Rawalpindi has been brazenly waging a proxy war against India for more than three decades without any intention of pulling back, and with the international community behaving like mute spectators New Delhi has no other option but to take things in its own hands and retaliate appropriately.

As it’s amply clear that neither can talks and terror can’t go together, nor can water and blood flow together, it’s high time the illusory Aman Ki Asha (Hope for Peace) sentiment is laid to rest!

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own


India Has Achieved Self-Reliance In Space Transportation Systems: Union Minister Dr. Jitendra Singh


India has attained self-reliance in space transportation systems, enabling the launch of satellites weighing up to 10 tons into Low Earth Orbit (LEO) and 4.2 tons into Geo-Synchronous Transfer Orbit (GTO).

This milestone was highlighted by Jitendra Singh, Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Science and Technology, during a written reply in the Lok Sabha on 17 December.

The achievement stems from the operational success of the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV), Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV), and Launch Vehicle Mark-3 (LVM3). These vehicles have provided India with independent access to space for satellites dedicated to earth observation, communication, navigation, and exploration missions.

To align with the nation's expanded space vision, the government has greenlit the Next Generation Launch Vehicle (NGLV). This advanced system promises a maximum payload capacity of 30 tons to LEO, significantly boosting India's orbital lift capabilities.

Efforts towards cost-effective space access include reusable launch vehicle technologies. A partially reusable NGLV variant is under development, offering 14 tons to LEO, while a winged body upper stage is being engineered to return from orbit and land autonomously on a runway.

ISRO is advancing propulsion technologies to support these ambitions. A high-thrust semi-cryogenic engine (2000 kN) is being developed for integration into the LVM3, alongside conceptual work on an environmentally friendly methane-based high-thrust engine for the NGLV.

Further innovation focuses on air-breathing propulsion, with ongoing development of a Dual-Fuel Scramjet engine. These initiatives underscore India's push towards sustainable and efficient space transportation.

The Gaganyaan programme, aimed at demonstrating indigenous human spaceflight to LEO, remains on track for its first crewed mission in 2027-28. ISRO has completed extensive testing of propulsion elements, structures for the Human-Rated LVM3 (HLVM3), service module and crew module propulsion systems, and parachute-based deceleration systems to meet stringent human-rating standards.

For the inaugural uncrewed mission (G1), all HLVM3 stages and Crew Escape System (CES) motors stand ready. Crew and service module systems have been realised, with assembly and integration activities approaching completion.

Between December 2020 and December 2025, ISRO successfully launched 22 satellites. These comprised seven earth observation satellites, four communication satellites, two navigation satellites, three space science missions, and six technology demonstrators.

Launch activity ramped up over the period: one satellite each in 2020 and 2021, six in 2022, four in 2023, six in 2024, and four in 2025—namely NVS-02, CMS-03 (GSAT-7R), RISAT-1B, and NISAR.

This progress reflects India's strategic indigenisation in aerospace, aligning with the 'Make in India' ethos and enhancing national security through reliable space infrastructure. The minister's disclosures affirm ISRO's pivotal role in positioning India as a global space power.

Agencies


IAF Hosts AviaIndra-2025: Strengthening India-Russia Defence Ties And Aerospace Synergy


India-Russia defence ties have reached a new milestone with the Indian Air Force (IAF) hosting Exercise AviaIndra-2025 alongside the Russian Federation Aerospace Force (RFASF). Scheduled from 15 to 22 December 2025, this joint air drill underscores the enduring strategic partnership between the two nations.

The exercise forms part of the AviaIndra series, which commenced in 2014, reflecting a consistent commitment to military interoperability. Personnel from both air forces are engaging in joint flying operations involving an array of aircraft and helicopters.

Key platforms include the Su-30MKI multirole fighter, the indigenous Tejas light combat aircraft, the IL-78 aerial refuelling tanker, and the Mi-17 utility helicopter. These operations facilitate the sharing of best practices and operational lessons, enhancing tactical synergy.

The IAF highlighted on X that AviaIndra-2025 provides a vital platform to bolster bilateral cooperation, mutual understanding, and aerospace domain expertise. Such initiatives strengthen joint capabilities in complex air combat scenarios.

This drill arrives amid heightened defence collaboration, following Russian President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to India. Discussions confirmed ongoing deals for Su-57 fifth-generation fighter jets and the S-400 air defence systems, signalling deepened technological ties.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his Russian counterpart, Andrei Belousov, recently signed a protocol delineating current and future areas of cooperation. Their joint statement emphasised ties rooted in trust, shared principles, and mutual respect.

The partnership extends beyond exercises to defence-industrial integration. India and Russia are exploring niche military technologies, including advanced avionics, hypersonic systems, and indigenous production under the Make in India initiative.

AviaIndra-2025 builds on previous editions, such as the 2022 exercise in Russia, which featured similar multi-domain operations. It aligns with India's push for self-reliance while leveraging Russia's expertise in fighter jet engines and missile technology.

The involvement of TEJAS alongside Russian-origin platforms like Su-30MKI exemplifies growing indigenisation efforts. This synergy aids technology transfer, potentially accelerating upgrades for IAF's ageing fleet.

Geopolitically, the exercise reinforces India-Russia relations amid global tensions. It counters narratives of diversification away from Moscow, affirming Russia's role as India's largest defence supplier.

Future prospects include joint ventures in sixth-generation fighters and BrahMos missile enhancements. The protocol signed by the ministers outlines pathways for co-development, export potential, and supply chain resilience.

IAF's hosting role demonstrates operational maturity and logistical prowess. Over 100 personnel from each side are participating, conducting day-and-night missions to simulate real-world contingencies.

Russia's confirmation of Su-57 deliveries ahead of Putin's visit highlights commitment to long-term deals. India eyes these stealth fighters to bridge capability gaps until indigenous AMCA matures.

S-400 integration remains a cornerstone, with remaining squadrons set for induction by 2026. Joint exercises like AviaIndra ensure seamless interoperability with IAF's air defence architecture.

Amid China-Pakistan axis challenges, Indo-Russian drills enhance deterrence. Shared intelligence on regional threats further cements this axis of strategic autonomy.

The exercise concludes on 22 December, with debriefs expected to inform future collaborations. It exemplifies how military diplomacy sustains one of the world's most robust defence partnerships.

As India advances its aerospace ambitions via ISRO and private sector involvement, Russia offers propulsion and materials expertise. This could catalyse next-gen projects like reusable launch vehicles with dual-use potential.

Agencies


Technical Payloads And International Partnerships For Upcoming Chandrayaan Mission


Chandrayaan-4 mission emphasises lunar sample return with no confirmed scientific payloads announced yet by ISRO, focusing instead on engineering technologies like robotic drills, scoops for surface and subsurface collection, and robotic arms for sample transfer between modules.

The spacecraft comprises five modules—propulsion, transfer, descender, ascender, and re-entry—requiring orbital docking and advanced propulsion systems with throttleable thrusters producing 800 Newtons each.

No international partnerships are specified for Chandrayaan-4, which relies on indigenous development for its 9,200 kg integrated mass targeting a landing near Shiv Shakti Point.​

Chandrayaan-5, designated as LUPEX, features primary collaboration between ISRO and JAXA, with ISRO providing the lunar lander (payload capacity over 350 kg) and JAXA supplying the 350-400 kg rover via Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, plus the H3-24L launch vehicle.

Chandrayaan-5 (LUPEX) carries approximately 10-13 scientific payloads distributed across the ISRO lander and JAXA rover, emphasising polar volatiles and water prospecting. ISRO contributions include Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) for subsurface mapping up to 3 metres, PRATHIMA (Permittivity and Thermophysical Investigation for Moon's Aquatic Scout), and ISAP (ISRO Sample Analysis Package).​

JAXA payloads comprise five instruments: Resource Investigating Water Analyser (REIWA) with sub-components Lunar Thermogravimetric Analyser (LTGA), Triple-reflection Reflectron (TRITON), and Aquatic Detector using Optical Resonance (ADORE); Advanced Lunar Imaging Spectrometer (ALIS); and Mid-Infrared Imaging Spectrometer (MIR).

Additional items are Exospheric Mass Spectrometer for LUPEX (EMS-L) and Neutron Spectrometer (likely NASA-led for hydrogen detection). International partners provide one payload each: NASA (Neutron Spectrometer) and ESA (unspecified).

Additional partners include NASA and ESA contributing one payload each, alongside instruments from ISRO (three) and JAXA (five), totalling around 10-13 payloads themed on polar volatiles and water prospecting.​

Key Chandrayaan-5 payloads encompass REIWA (Resource Investigating Water Analyser) with sub-instruments LTGA (Lunar Thermogravimetric Analyser), TRITON (Triple-reflection Reflectron), ADORE (Aquatic Detector using Optical Resonance), and ISAP (ISRO Sample Analysis Package).

Further instruments include ALIS (Advanced Lunar Imaging Spectrometer), NS (Neutron Spectrometer), EMS-L (Exospheric Mass Spectrometer for Lupex), GPR (Ground Penetrating Radar), MIR (Mid-Infrared Imaging Spectrometer), and PRATHIMA (Permittivity and Thermophysical Investigation for Moon's Aquatic Scout). These support water content analysis, mineral mapping, and subsurface drilling in shadowed south pole craters.​

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


In A First, Indian Coast Guard Ship INS SARTHAK Visits Iran’s Chabahar Port


In a landmark development for India-Iran maritime cooperation, an Indian Coast Guard (ICG) ship has made its maiden visit to Iran's Chabahar Port. The vessel, named Sarthak, docked at the strategic Shahid Beheshti terminal on 16 December 2025 for a four-day port call extending until 19 December.

This marks the first time an Indian military vessel has visited the port, underscoring New Delhi's deepening engagement in the region.

The Shahid Beheshti terminal holds pivotal importance for India, as it is operated by New Delhi under a 10-year agreement signed in May 2024. This arrangement allows India to facilitate the shipment of essential supplies to Afghanistan, bypassing traditional routes through Pakistan.

Chabahar's location on the northern flank of the Gulf of Oman provides a deep-water gateway, offering a shorter and geopolitically independent pathway to landlocked Afghanistan and Central Asia.

Chabahar forms an integral part of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a multimodal network linking India to Russia via Iran. By enhancing connectivity through this corridor, India aims to bolster trade efficiency and secure its supply lines amid regional tensions. The port complements the Indian Navy's access to Duqm in Oman, strengthening India's overall maritime footprint in the Indian Ocean Region.

The Indian Coast Guard, operating under the Ministry of Defence, is responsible for safeguarding maritime security within India's exclusive economic zone. ICG ship Sarthak's visit has been officially described as a demonstration of India's growing maritime presence, aimed at fortifying bilateral ties with Iran. It highlights New Delhi's commitment to regional stability and collaborative efforts in securing vital trade arteries.

During the port call, Sarthak will participate in a series of professional exchanges with the Iranian Navy and other maritime agencies. These activities encompass courtesy calls, institutional dialogues, and joint training exercises focused on maritime search and rescue (SAR), maritime law enforcement (MLE), and marine pollution response (MPR). Such interactions are designed to foster mutual understanding and operational synergy in critical domains.

A key highlight will be a marine pollution response demonstration in Chabahar harbour, addressing scenarios involving oil spills and hazardous and noxious substances (HNS).

This exercise will showcase coordinated mechanisms between Indian and Iranian forces, emphasising rapid response capabilities. Community-oriented initiatives are also planned, further cementing people-to-people ties alongside professional linkages.

India's involvement in Chabahar has not been without challenges, particularly from United States sanctions policy. In September 2025, the US State Department revoked the 2018 sanctions exemption for the port under the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (IFCA), creating hurdles for New Delhi's operations. This move threatened to disrupt India's strategic investments and humanitarian aid flows to Afghanistan.

Through robust diplomatic lobbying, India secured a six-month exemption from US sanctions, allowing continued operations at Chabahar. This reprieve reflects the delicate balance New Delhi maintains between its partnerships with Iran and the United States. It also demonstrates India's resolve to pursue independent foreign policy objectives in pursuit of national interests.

Strategically, Chabahar positions India advantageously against regional rivals, particularly Pakistan and China. While Pakistan controls the Gwadar Port under China's Belt and Road Initiative, Chabahar offers India an alternative that circumvents adversarial territory. This duality enhances India's leverage in Central Asian trade and energy security, reducing dependence on volatile sea lanes.

The visit of ICG Sarthak signals a proactive phase in India-Iran relations, amid broader geopolitical shifts. With Iran's proximity to key chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz, Chabahar bolsters India's ability to monitor and respond to maritime threats. It aligns with New Delhi's 'Act East' and 'Neighbourhood First' policies, extending maritime diplomacy westward.

Looking ahead, sustained cooperation at Chabahar could accelerate INSTC implementation, potentially slashing transit times for cargo from India to Russia by up to 40 per cent. Enhanced ICG-Iranian Navy interoperability may also pave the way for joint patrols, counter-piracy operations, and anti-smuggling efforts in the Gulf of Oman.

This port call thus represents not merely a symbolic milestone but a tangible step towards fortified regional maritime architecture.

Agencies


India Reaffirms Commitment To Continued Humanitarian Support For Afghanistan, Dispatches Medicines, CT Scanner


India has reaffirmed its steadfast commitment to providing humanitarian support to Afghanistan, with a particular focus on bolstering the nation's healthcare infrastructure. On 17 December 2025, Union Health Minister JP Nadda convened a productive meeting in New Delhi with Mawlawi Noor Jalal Jalali, Afghanistan's Minister of Public Health.

This engagement underscored India's resolve to sustain long-term supplies of medicines and essential health assistance as a cornerstone of bilateral relations.

During the discussions, a symbolic handover of cancer medicines and vaccines took place, symbolising India's tangible support for Afghanistan's medical requirements. This gesture extends beyond ceremony, as a substantial consignment of additional medicines, vaccines, and a sophisticated 128-slice CT scanner is now being dispatched to the country. Such aid aims to fortify healthcare services amid ongoing challenges in the landlocked nation.

The meeting followed the Ministry of External Affairs' warm reception of Minister Jalali on his inaugural official visit to India, setting a diplomatic foundation for these health-centric deliberations. India's Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson, Randhir Jaiswal, highlighted this continuity on X, stating that the visit reflects New Delhi's enduring backing of Kabul's healthcare system and anticipates fruitful outcomes.

This development forms part of a burgeoning pattern of high-level exchanges between the two nations, signalling a pragmatic approach to cooperation despite regional complexities. In October 2025, Afghanistan's Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi undertook his first visit to India since the Taliban's assumption of power. Muttaqi expressed profound appreciation for the hospitality, noting the warm reception from local communities and optimistically declaring that the future of India-Afghanistan relations appears exceedingly bright.

Building on this momentum, Afghanistan's Minister of Industry and Commerce, Nooruddin Azizi, visited New Delhi in November 2025 for a five-day official sojourn. Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal engaged with Azizi to explore avenues for enhanced economic collaboration and broadened bilateral trade. Goyal emphasised a mutual dedication to streamlining goods movement, fostering investments, and nurturing people-to-people connections.

Azizi further interacted with representatives from the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India (ASSOCHAM), reiterating his visit's objective to amplify economic ties and historical bonds. He advocated for concerted efforts to elevate relations, reflecting Afghanistan's eagerness to deepen partnerships with India across multiple domains.

India's humanitarian outreach to Afghanistan persists as a vital conduit for stability in South Asia, prioritising human welfare over political divergences. By channelling resources into critical sectors like public health, New Delhi demonstrates strategic foresight, potentially paving the way for broader stabilisation and reconstruction efforts. The dispatch of advanced medical equipment, such as the 128-slice CT scanner, exemplifies how targeted assistance can yield immediate and lasting impacts on healthcare delivery.

These engagements occur against a backdrop of evolving geopolitical dynamics, where India's non-ideological aid policy prioritises Afghan citizens' needs. The sequence of ministerial visits—from foreign affairs to health and commerce—indicates a multifaceted dialogue aimed at resilience-building. As Afghanistan grapples with humanitarian crises, India's contributions, including medicines vital for cancer treatment and immunisation, address pressing gaps in service provision.

Looking ahead, this trajectory suggests potential for expanded cooperation, possibly encompassing infrastructure, education, and trade facilitation. India's Vaccine Maitri initiative and pharmaceutical prowess position it uniquely to support Afghanistan's recovery. Sustained such initiatives could enhance regional connectivity, counterbalance external influences, and foster goodwill essential for long-term peace.

The recent health ministry meeting and attendant aid dispatch encapsulate India's proactive humanitarian diplomacy. By engaging Taliban-appointed officials while focusing on apolitical aid, New Delhi balances pragmatism with principles, reinforcing its role as a dependable partner in Afghanistan's hour of need.

Based On ANI Report